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"Trujillo, Rafael"
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Before we were free
In the early 1960s in the Dominican Republic, twelve-year-old Anita learns that her family is involved in the underground movement to end the bloody rule of the dictator, General Trujillo.
Book
The dictator next door : the good neighbor policy and the Trujillo regime in the Dominican Republic, 1930-1945
The question of how U.S. foreign policy should manage relations with autocratic governments, particularly in the Caribbean and Latin America, has always been difficult and complex. In The Dictator Next Door Eric Paul Roorda focuses on the relations between the U.S. and the Dominican Republic following Rafael Trujillo's seizure of power in 1930. Examining the transition from the noninterventionist policies of the Hoover administration to Roosevelt's Good Neighbor policy, Roorda blends diplomatic history with analyses of domestic politics in both countries not only to explore the political limits of American hegemony but to provide an in-depth view of a crucial period in U.S. foreign relations.
Although Trujillo's dictatorship was enabled by prior U.S. occupation of the Dominican Republic, the brutality of his regime and the reliance on violence and vanity to sustain his rule was an untenable offense to many in the U.S. diplomatic community, as well as to certain legislators, journalists, and bankers. Many U.S. military officers and congressmen, however—impressed by the civil order and extensive infrastructure the dictator established—comprised an increasingly powerful Dominican lobby. What emerges is a picture of Trujillo at the center of a crowded stage of international actors and a U.S. government that, despite events such as Trujillo's 1937 massacre of 12,000 Haitians, was determined to foster alliances with any government that would oppose its enemies as the world moved toward war.
Using previously untapped records, privately held papers, and unpublished photographs, Roorda demonstrates how caution, confusion, and conflicting goals marked U.S. relations with Trujillo and set the tone for the ambivalent Cold War relations that prevailed until Trujillo's assassination in 1961. The Dictator Next Door will interest Latin Americanists, historians, political scientists, and specialists in international relations and diplomacy.
eBook
Picturing “the Tightest Little Tyranny in the Caribbean”: The March of Time and a 1936 United States–Dominican Diplomatic Crisis
The July 10, 1936, episode of The March of Time included a sequence criticizing Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo, which caused a diplomatic crisis between the United States and the Dominican Republic. This essay contends that the events following the release of this sequence demonstrate how cinema could both aid as well as pose a challenge to the Good Neighbor policy. Additionally, the article argues that this diplomatic incident and the marked difference in the reception of the episode in the United States and the Dominican Republic makes evident the importance of audiences in (re)crafting a film's message and determining its local political significance.
Journal Article
Genocidio civil de dominicanos y dominicanas de ascendencia haitiana en la República Dominicana
Desde la agudización de esas medidas, en el año 2007, los dominicanos y las dominicanas de ascendencia haitiana comenzamos a tener dificultades para concluir nuestros estudios secundarios, para seguir el camino de la educación superior e incluso para trabajar y tener una vida civil y jurídica: no podíamos ingresar a la universidad al no poder completar los requisitos de la documentación, no podíamos conseguir un trabajo formal por no tener la cédula de identidad, no podíamos cotizar en la seguridad social, no podíamos casarnos legalmente, tampoco podíamos sacar pasaporte con el fin de salir del país. Ordenó también a la Dirección General de Migración otorgar un carné de residencia provisional a las personas que sacarían del Registro Civil hasta que se aplicara el plan de regularización de extranjeros, es decir, el Tribunal nos desnacionalizó completamente y en su misma decisión nos dio la categoría de extranjeros, extranjeros en nuestra propia tierra, sin haber nunca salido del país. Teníamos la esperanza de que con la conformación del Tribunal Constitucional se iban a garantizar nuestros derechos consagrados en la Constitución: el ius solis (derecho a suelo), los principios de igualdad y no discriminación establecidos ante la ley y con tantos otros poemas garantistas de los que está llena nuestra Constitución. Sin embargo, esta ley no ha sido más que un engaño, pues ha sido instrumentada para seguir segregándonos, ahora no solo entre dominicanos de ascendencia haitiana y los dominicanos que se supone no tienen ascendencia haitiana, sino también separándonos entre nosotros mismos con los llamados \"grupo A\" y \"grupo B\", como si el objetivo gubernamental fuera aplicar la máxima de \"divide y vencerás\".
Journal Article
From Race to Risk: Framing Haitians in Dominican Policies and Discourses on Migration, 2020–2025
Migration between Haiti and the Dominican Republic has long reflected Hispaniola’s intertwined histories of grievances, distrust, inequality, and interdependence. Under President Luis Abinader (2020–2025), this relationship gained renewed political significance as regional instability and Haiti’s institutional collapse made migration a central concern of governance. This study examines the Dominican state’s discourse on Haitian migration through a combination of historiographical interpretation and discourse-historical frame analysis. Using the diagnostic–prognostic–motivational triad, this analysis examines 26 official statements, legal documents, and media articles to trace how notions of order, security, and humanitarian responsibility have structured migration policy during this period. The findings identify four interrelated logics—securitisation, nativism, racialisation, and statelessness—that shape how migration is problematised and managed. While overtly xenophobic or racist language has largely disappeared from official discourse, older anti-Haitian hierarchies persist beneath a technocratic and humanitarian surface. Deportations, biometric border management, mass detentions, violence, and preferential bureaucratic practices are presented as neutral governance, even as they disproportionately and unlawfully affect darker-skinned citizens and migrants of Haitian descent. The analysis suggests that Dominican migration governance represents neither rupture nor continuity, but rather a rearticulation of narratives of security, sovereignty, and national identity in a context of contemporary securitising issues in Haiti.
Journal Article
La oposición antitrujillista, la Legión del Caribe y José Figueres de Costa Rica (1944-1949)
En la década de 1940, los exiliados dominicanos, junto a otros centroamericanos, se unieron en la organización denominada Legión del Caribe con el objetivo de apoyarse mutuamente contra las dictaduras. Acordaron comenzar la lucha contra Trujillo y Somoza, pero la coyuntura aconsejó posponer los planes iniciales y se implicaron en la guerra civil o revolución de Costa Rica de 1948. Los dominicanos Horacio Ornes y Juan Rodríguez dirigieron la activa participación en el conflicto que terminaría con la toma del poder por José Figueres (presidente de facto de 1948 a 1949), que no hubiera sido posible sin la Legión del Caribe. Sin embargo, José Figueres no asumió posteriormente su compromiso con la Legión y las reclamaciones dominicanas nunca se atendieron.
Journal Article
The Dictator and the Mafia
Transnational relations between state institutions and organized criminal groups have excited tremendous interest among criminologists since the 1990s but have been largely neglected by historians, in part because of the paucity of source material. Thanks to the extensive declassification of FBI and CIA files, we can now glimpse the importance of such relations during the Cold War through a case study of the tactical alliances forged between powerful US criminals and Gen. Rafael Trujillo, who ran the Dominican Republic with an iron hand from 1930 until his assassination in 1961. Trujillo tapped their expertise in gambling, arms trafficking, and even murder to increase his wealth and to extend his power into the United States and other nearby countries, such as Cuba. US organized crime bosses in turn were drawn to the Dominican Republic as a market for the kind of lucrative gambling businesses they had enjoyed in Cuba before the Castro revolution. They came on Trujillo’s terms, as business partners and anti-Communist allies, never as rivals for power. But they maintained enough independence to stay entrenched in the country even after Trujillo’s assassination.
Journal Article
The Odyssey of Japanese Colonists in the Dominican Republic
In an agreement formalized with the Japanese government in 1956, Generalissimo Rafael Leónidas Trujillo Molina of the Dominican Republic extended an offer of refuge for Japanese immigrants seeking to improve their fortunes in the late 1950s by taking up residence in Trujillo's vaunted \"Paradise of the Caribbean.\" The provision of sites ultimately unfavorable for colonization, lack of infrastructure, failure of the Japanese government to address the complaints of the colonists, and political instability within the Dominican Republic led to the abandonment of five of the eight colonies. By 1962 only 276 of the 1,319 original colonists remained; the rest had either returned to Japan or sought refuge in South America. Although the fortunes of these Japanese families fell far short of their expectations, Trujillo could hardly have envisioned the contributions to Dominican society to be made by their descendants. The experiences of this relatively small number of migrants reflect the difficulties encountered when racial and geopolitical concerns take precedence over judicious plans for colonization.
Journal Article