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Malaysia was initially lauded for its ability to combat the first few waves of COVID-19 but infection spikes since the Sabah state elections in September 2020 and subsequent exponential increases in both infections and deaths in 2021 left the nation reeling. Nationwide vaccination is seen as the only way out of the pandemic.Malaysia's COVID-19 communication strategy was hampered by political machinations and myriad changes in government. The need to shore up favour among the electorate resulted in inconsistent messaging and regular U-turns whenever there was public outrage at arbitrary restrictions. This resulted in confusion on the ground, preventing successful COVID-19 management and containment.Under the current regime, claims to more accessible data have been disputed and doubts have surfaced over data transparency and accuracy. There is an urgent need to ensure convincingly reliable information, as well as to use more engaging messaging on more suitable media.A holistic and effective COVID-19 communication strategy should adopt principles from several communication approaches, resulting in messages that are clear, simple and accessible as well as consistent and credible. Audiences should be segmented so that messages can be better tailored to their needs, with adequate information on the necessary steps to prevent infection and spread. Fake news, misinformation, and disinformation should be constantly tackled and debunked.The Gerai OA and OA Lindungi Komuniti Facebook pages are outstanding examples of grassroots information dissemination channels that effectively provide fact-checked, coherent and accessible information to local communities in languages and on media best-suited to their audiences.

Mixed jurisdictions are uniquely positioned to add their voice to the comparative law conversation. This article forays into worlds that have not been featured in the traditional mixed jurisdiction scholarship, which has narrowly discussed civil law/common law encounters. In a first case study, the article explores how a mixed jurisdiction perspective might have persuaded the US Supreme Court to construe the French source term /ésion corporelle in an international air law treaty to cover purely mental injuries. The article's second case study features the Iranian waqf-a property endowment, which is rooted in Twelver Shia Islam, yet housed in a codification reminiscent of the great European codes. In addition, the Iranian waqf exhibits a powerful capacity to converse with other Islamic schools of jurisprudence in Sunni and Shia Islam as well as counterparts in the common law (in particular, the trust) and the civil law (in particular, the foundation) when it comes to isolating, managing and disposing of assets for designated purposes. In the light of both case studies, the article concludes with a call for a broader conception of mixity.

By investigating the formation of Twelver Shīʿī theology, this article seeks to show that, despite being political and despite its advocacy of pure theocracy, living in the shadow of a secular state is part of Shīʿī religious doctrine. It is argued that existential threats against Proto-Twelver Shīʿism during its formative centuries led to a messianic conception of the twelfth Imām, the only person whose direct leadership can enable a religiously legitimate state to be formed. Therefore, until his return—which is subject to the will of God—all rulers are usurpers and imposers on the right of the twelfth Imām. Shīʿī leaders are not allowed to seize the institution of government, and non-governmentalism is institutionalized as part of Shīʿī political theology. Instead of focusing on the characteristics of a legitimate ruler and how to form a legitimate government, the founding Shīʿī scholars were concerned with how to co-exist with a usurper. It will be demonstrated that these scholars had differing ideas about the scope and scale of engagement/disengagement with the institution of the state, but none of them discussed the possibility of forming a religiously legitimate government before the return of the twelfth Imām.

Using sources in Arabic, Gujarati, Ottoman, Persian and Urdu, this article examines the foundation of Bohra and Khoja pilgrimage institutions straddling western India and Iraq's Shīʿī shrine cities between 1897 and 1932. As manifestations of ‘locative piety’, these institutions were an outgrowth of the commercial capital Bohra and Khoja merchants had acquired in Indian Ocean trade over the previous half century, and the distinct caste and sectarian identities this wealth augmented. The Bohra and Khoja (both Twelver and Ismāʿīlī) mercantile and religious elites supplied their constituents with a well-ordered pilgrimage to Iraq, certainly by the standards of contemporary Hajj. To achieve this, community-run institutional nodes in Karachi, Bombay and the Shīʿī shrine cities were integrated into wider transport, administrative, and financial infrastructures connecting India and Iraq. Yet at a time when Najaf and Karbala's economic and religious fortunes were plagued by sectarianism, political upheavals and divisions among the mujtahids, the growing presence of western Indian Shīʿīs in the shrine cities was fiercely condemned by some Twelver Shīʿī clerics. One of their number, Muḥammad Karīm Khurāsānī, published a substantial polemic against the Bohras and Khojas in 1932, signalling how these pilgrimage infrastructures worked to exacerbate intra-Shīʿī disputes.

Bu makale, Birinci Dünya Savaşı akabinde kendisine yeni bir rota belirlemeye çalışan İran toplumuna yeni bir perspektif sunan ıslahçı din adamlarından biri olan Âyetullah Ebu’l-Fazl el-Burkaî’nin fikri ve siyasi mücadelesine odaklanmaktadır. Burkaî, Şiî düşünceye karşı dile getirdiği sert eleştirileri sebebiyle hem Pehlevî hânedanlığı hem de sonrasında kurulan İran İslâm Cumhuriyeti döneminde yoğun baskıya maruz kalmış az sayıdaki din adamından biridir. Makale, ömrünün önemli bir kısmını molla olarak Şiî düşüncenin gelişimi için harcayan bir âlimin, mezhep içi problemli bulduğu bazı noktaları eleştirmeye başlamasıyla birlikte 20. yüzyıl İran toplumu ve kurumsal ulemâsı tarafından nasıl karşılandığına dair bir fotoğraf sunmayı hedeflemektedir. Makale, Burkaî’nin yaşamı boyunca kurduğu ilişkileri, faaliyetlerini ve Şiî geleneğe yönelik eleştirilerini incelemiş ve Burkaî ile öze dönüşçü Selefî söylem arasında önemli paralellikler ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu minvalde makale, bir zihniyet olarak Selefîliğin Sünnî coğrafya dışında Modern Şiî düşünürler arasında da dolaşımda olduğuna dair tespitte bulunmuştur. Çalışmada, Burkaî’nin biyografisine ve İsnâaşeriyye mezhebinin fikri omurgasını oluşturan imâmet teorisi hakkındaki eleştirilerine odaklanılarak ıslah düşüncesi de ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır. Makale, Burkaî’nin, Pehlevi Devleti ve İran İslâm Devleti ile olan ilişkisini bir bütün olarak ele almış ve yer yer Burkaî’nin perspektifinden bu iki rejim arasında mukayeseler sunmuştur. Bu sayede farklı rejimler üzerinden İran’da ulemâ-toplum ve devlet ilişkisinin doğası ve dinamikleri anlaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. Makalede Burkaî’nin eserlerindeki otobiyografik anlatılar kronolojik olarak bir araya getirilerek otobiyografik belleği ortaya çıkarılmıştır. Elde edilen bu otobiyografik veriler ile Burkaî’nin fikirleri ve tercihleri arasındaki ilişki ağı, otobiyografik araştırma yöntemiyle analiz edilmiştir.

Bu çalışmada 982/1574 yılında İmâmiyye Şîası'na mensup bir âlim tarafından Farsça kaleme alınmış Fırḳa-i Nâciye isimli makâlât eserindeki fırka tasnifleri ele alınmaktadır. Merkez-i İḥyâʾi Mîras̱-ı İslâmî Kütüphanesi’nde yer alan ve bildiğimiz kadarıyla başka nüshası bulunmayan bu risalede yetmiş üç fırka tasnifi üzerinden İmâmiyye Şîası'nın fırka-i nâciye olduğu ispatlanmaya çalışılmaktadır. Yazar; şeytanın ortaya attığı yedi şüphe, ümmetin ihtilaf etmesine sebep olan ilk olaylar ve mezhepler hakkındaki genel bilgileri el-Milel ve’n-niḥal’den, fırka tasniflerini Şerḥu’l-Mevâḳıf’dan özetlemiş, fakat bu metinlerdeki verileri Şiî anlayış istikametinde yeniden kurgulamıştır. Öte yandan bu risalenin yazılmasındaki asıl sebep fırka tasnifinden ziyade Celâlüddîn ed-Devvânî’nin iddialarına cevap üretmektir. Nasîrüddîn et-Tûsî, fırka-i nâciyenin tespiti noktasında “akaid/usûl konularında bütün mezheplerden farklılaşmak” şeklinde bir yöntem belirlemiş; İmâmiyye Şîası'nın akaid konularının tamamında diğer mezheplerden farklılaştığını ve bundan dolayı da fırka-i nâciye olduğunu iddia etmiştir. Devvânî ise İmâmiyye’nin sadece akaid konusu olmayan imamet anlayışıyla diğer mezheplerden ayrıştığını ve bunun dışındaki akîde esaslarında genellikle Mu‘tezile ile muvafık olduğunu belirtmiş ve böylelikle Tûsî’nin iddiasının temelsiz olduğunu ileri sürmüştür. Bu noktada söz konusu yönteme göre Eş‘arîliğin fırka-i nâciye olmaya daha layık olduğunu, çünkü bu mezhebin akîdeyle ilişkili konularda bütün mezheplerden farklılaştığını ifade etmiştir. Fırḳa-i Nâciye yazarı, Devvânî’nin iddiasının aksine imametin dinin en önemli esaslarından birisi olduğunu belirtmiş ve ayrıca İmâmiyye’nin imamet dışında başka konularda da diğer mezheplerden ayrıştığını iddia etmiştir. Fakat bu iddiasını temellendirmede noktasında yeterli veri sunamamıştır.

In order to advance their argument that Imām ‘Alī was the divinely and prophetically designated spiritual and political successor of the Prophet Muḥammad, Shī‘ite Muslim scholars have primarily drawn evidence from the Qur’ān and Ḥadīth which was supplemented by reason and rational arguments. Oddly enough, in their quest to legitimize the Caliphate and Imāmate of Ahl al-Bayt, the People of the House of the Prophet, Shī‘ite scholars have generally ignored one of the most important bodies of literature, namely, the letters, treaties and covenants of the Prophet Muḥammad. The following study examines the Messenger of Allāh’s Covenants with Christians and Jews in search of previously overlooked material on the subject of succession, shedding light on the state of Islām prior to the definitive rupture of the early Muslim community into Sunnīs and Shī‘ites.

The problem of the goodness of God, the freedom of man and the origin of Evil, i.e. theodicy, proves to be particularly acute in Twelver Shiʿi Islam, because of the historical awareness of evil within the community and of the fundamental dualism, metaphysical as well as moral, of the doctrine. However, this problem was the subject of various essays by Iranian Shiʿi philosophers of Neoplatonic inspiration, trying to harmonize the teachings of the Shiʿi tradition (i.e. the ḥadīṯs attributed to the Impeccable imams) with the arguments of the Avicennian philosophy. The first part of the article focuses in detail on the works of the philosopher, theologian and lawyer Mīr Dāmād (m. 1041/1631). His reflections on the problem are not collected in a single book, as they are in Leibniz, but scattered in works belonging to different fields (fiqh, kalām, or philosophy per se), in Arabic or in Persian. He deals successively with the problem of human freedom (qadar) versus divine determinism (ǧabr); with the Imami notion of badāʾ, i.e. the apparent change of the divine Will in the course of history; with Good and Evil with regard to the ontological categories of essence (ḏāt), accident (ʿaraḍ), existence (wuǧūd), and non-existence (ʿadam); with the execution of eschatological threats and the punishment of the damned – thus embracing all the dimensions of the problem and phenomenon of evil. The second part of the article considers some logical and unexpected developments of Mīr Dāmād’s theses in the works of two of his students, Mullā Šamsā Gīlānī (m. 1064/1654), in a brief epistle on perfection, and Quṭb al-Dīn Aškiwarī (m. between 1088/1677 and 1095/1684), in a monumental history of universal wisdom. This should make appear that the problem of Evil was a powerful catalyst for the emergence of a “Shiʿi philosophy” in the 11th/17th century. Le problème de la bonté de Dieu, de la liberté de l’homme et de l’origine du mal, c’est-à-dire de la théodicée, s’avère particulièrement délicat dans l’islam shiʿite duodécimain, du fait de la conscience historique du mal dans la communauté et du dualisme foncier, moral et métaphysique, de la doctrine. Ce problème fit pourtant l’objet de véritables essais de théodicée chez des philosophes shiʿites iraniens d’inspiration néoplatonicienne, s’efforçant de concilier les enseignements de la tradition shiʿite (les ḥadīṯs attribués aux imâms impeccables) et les arguments de la philosophie avicennienne. La première partie de l’article se concentre sur l’œuvre du philosophe, théologien et juriste Mīr Dāmād (m. 1041/1631). Ses réflexions sur le problème ne sont pas rassemblées dans un même livre, à la différence de Leibniz, mais disséminées dans des ouvrages de différents domaines (fiqh, kalām, philosophie per se), en arabe et en persan. Il traite successivement du problème de la liberté humaine (qadar) vs le déterminisme divin (ǧabr); de la notion imâmite de badāʾ, le changement apparent de la Volonté divine dans le cours de l’histoire; du bien et du mal au regard des catégories ontologiques de l’essence (ḏāt) et de l’accident (ʿaraḍ), de l’existence (wuǧūd) et de l’inexistence (ʿadam); de l’exécution des menaces eschatologiques et du châtiment des damnés – embrassant ainsi toutes les dimensions du problème et du phénomène du mal. La seconde partie de l’article étudie les prolongements, à la fois cohérents et inattendus, des thèses de Mīr Dāmād chez deux de ses élèves, Mullā Šamsā Gīlānī (m. 1064/1654), dans une épître sur la perfection, et Quṭb al-Dīn Aškiwarī (m. entre 1088/1677 et 1095/1684), dans une histoire de la sagesse universelle. Le problème du mal apparaît ainsi comme un facteur d’émergence d’une authentique « philosophie shiʿite » au XIe/XVIIe siècle.

Dans le shiʿisme duodécimain iranien, deux catégories de traditions populaires (comprenant rituels, pratiques et croyances) ont pris forme au cours du temps autour de la question du mal, précisément des souffrances et de la mort subies par les personnes de la famille du Prophète (ahl al-bayt). La première catégorie comprend les expressions poétiques élégiaques (marṯīya) accompagnées de pratiques reflétant la passion et la compassion pour les victimes de la mort injuste, à commencer par le troisième imam Ḥusayn. La seconde catégorie comprend de violentes expressions satiriques de malédiction adressées aux auteurs de ce mal. Cette tradition mobilise aussi la récitation de prières et de formules dévotionnelles tirées du corpus scripturaire sacré, ainsi qu’un ensemble de pratiques particulières appelées ʿUmar-košī (« le meurtre de ʿUmar »). Cet article propose d’analyser la formation et la fonction de ces deux traditions, ainsi que l’évolution de leur forme et de leur signification dans le contexte social du shiʿisme iranien contemporain. Il montrera que ces deux traditions, tout en étant cohérentes avec le double principe shiʿite de tawallāʾ (loyauté et amour pour les imams) et tabarrāʾ (dissociation et haine à l’égard de leurs adversaires), reflètent clairement l’autonomie des croyants vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique comme de l’autorité religieuse institutionnelle. In Iranian Twelver Shiʿism, two categories of popular traditions (including rituals, practices and beliefs) have taken shape over time around the issue of evil, namely the harm and death suffered by the holy figures of the house of the Prophet (ahl al-bayt). The first category includes elegiac poetic expressions (marṯīya), accompanied by ritual practices reflecting passion and compassion for the victims of unjust death – notably the third imam, Ḥusayn. The second category includes violent and satirical expressions of maledictions, addressed to the authors of this evil. This tradition also involves the recitation of prayers and devotional formulas borrowed from the sacred scriptural corpus as well as particular practices called ʿUmar-košī (the murder of ʿUmar). This article offers an analysis of the formation and function of these two traditions, as well as the development of their form and meaning in the social context of contemporary Iranian Shiʿism. It shows that, by being in line with the double Shiʿi principle of tawallāʾ (loyalty and love towards the Imams) and tabarrāʾ (dissociation and hatred towards the enemies of the Imams), these two traditions clearly reflect the autonomy of the believers vis-à-vis both political power and institutional religious authority.

The peculiarity of Kitāb al-Aškāl wa-l-qarāʾin, the opening section in the printed editions of Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Barqī's (d. 274/888 or 280/894) Kitāb al-Maḥāsin, is easily discernable: it is sub-divided into chapters bearing numeric titles, from \"The Chapter on Three\" to \"The Chapter on Ten\". Each of these chapters contains various Imamite or prophetic traditions whose message is related in one way or another to the number mentioned in its title. Attempting to shed additional light on the Shiite hadith literature prior to its canonization during the Buwayhid era (334/945-447/1055), this article examines the relationship between style and content within this numerical framework. Being the earliest extant Shiite example of a numerical treatise, the present paper sets out to trace the author's possible sources of inspiration as well as the work's impact on later generations of Shiite scholars. La particularité du Kitāb al-Aškāl wa-l-qarāʾin, la première section de l'édition publiée du Kitāb al-Maḥāsin d'Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Barqī (m. 274/888 ou 280/894) est facilement reconnaissable: cette section est divisée en chapitres consacrés aux chiffres, allant du « chapitre sur le trois » au « chapitre sur le dix ». Chaque chapitre est ainsi formé de hadiths traitant de différents aspects doctrinaux liés aux chiffres. Le présent article examine la relation entre la forme et le contenu de ces chapitres pour éclairer quelques aspects peu connus du hadith chiite avant sa fixation à l'époque bouyide (334/945-447/1055). Par ailleurs, il s'agit de tenter de trouver les possibles sources d'inspiration de cet ancien recueil chiite sur les nombres et d'examiner son influence parmi les savants chiites postérieurs.