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Presidents Abroad: The Politics of Personal Diplomacy
A president's most precious commodity is time, and nowhere is this scarcity more apparent than with respect to international travel. Personal presidential involvement in diplomatic relations has proven to yield significant benefits, and yet traveling to engage in face-to-face diplomacy is often prohibitively expensive for American executives in time and attention. Given such restrictions, when and where do presidents choose to travel? We use a data set of more than 750 presidential trips spanning more than one hundred countries and a century of history to investigate the domestic and international factors influencing when, where, and for what reason presidents are likely to travel abroad. We provide a detailed examination of presidential travel over time and find that domestic political contexts influence presidential propensities to travel consistent with expectations based on allocating time and attention as limited resources.
Journal Article
Science advocacy in political rhetoric and actions
‘Science’ is a proportionately small but recurring constituent in the rhetorical lexicon of political leaders. To evaluate the use of science-related content relative to other themes in political communications, we undertake a statistical analysis of keywords in U.S. Presidential State of the Union (SOTU) addresses and Presidential Budget Messages (PBM) from Truman (1947) to Trump (2020). Hierarchical clustering and correlation analyses reveal proximate affinities between ‘science’ and ‘research’, ‘space’, ‘technology’, ‘education’, and ‘climate’. The keywords that are least correlated with ‘science’ relate to fiscal (‘inflation’, ‘tax’) and conflict-related themes (‘security’, ‘war’, ‘terror’). The most ubiquitous and frequently used keywords are ‘economy’ and ‘tax’. Science-related keywords are used in a positive (promotional) rhetorical context and thus their proportionality in SOTU and PBM corpora is used to define fields of science advocacy (public perception advocacy, funding advocacy, advocacy) for each president. Monte Carlo simulations and randomized sampling of three elements: language (relative frequency of usage of science-related keywords), funding (proposed funding and allocated discretionary funding of science agencies), and actions (e.g. expediency of science advisor appointments, (dis-) establishment of science agencies) are used to generate a science advocacy score (SAS) for each president. The SAS is compared with independent survey-based measures of political popularity. A myriad of political, contextual, and other factors may contribute to lexical choices, policy, and funding actions. Within this complex environment ‘science’ may have political currency under certain circumstances, particularly where public and political perceptions of the value of science to contribute to matters of priority align.
Journal Article
American carnage : on the front lines of the Republican civil war and the rise of President Trump
\"Politico Magazine's chief political correspondent [examines] the making of the modern Republican Party--how a decade of cultural upheaval, populist outrage, and ideological warfare made the GOP vulnerable to a hostile takeover from the unlikeliest of insurgents: Donald J. Trump\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Confirmation Wars, Legislative Time, and Collateral Damage: The Impact of Supreme Court Nominations on Presidential Success in the U.S. Senate
Presidents often see a Supreme Court nomination as an opportunity to leave a lasting mark on policy. Recent studies speculate that focusing on Supreme Court nominees affects presidential success beyond the confirmation process, but this has not been established systematically. We develop and test a hypothesis stating that presidents who get into a battle to promote a controversial Supreme Court nominee will see delays and failures in their efforts to promote their legislative agenda in the Senate and fill lower level judicial vacancies. We test our theory using data on presidential policy agenda items from 1967 to 2010 and lower level judicial nominations from 1977 to 2010. We find that increased efforts in promoting confirmation reduce the likelihood of timely Senate approval of important policy proposals and nominees to federal district courts.
Journal Article
Hillary's America : the secret history of the Democratic Party
Dinesh D'Souza has a warning: We are on the brink of losing our country forever. After eight years of Obama, four years -- or possibly eight years -- of Hillary Clinton as president of the United States would so utterly transform America as to make it unrecognizable. No more will America be a land of opportunity. Instead, it will be a land of rapacious crony capitalism, run solely for the benefit of friends of the Obamas and the Clintons and the Democratic Party. It will, in fact, be the fulfillment of a dream the Democratic Party has had from the beginning... a dream of stealing America for the politically favored few. D'Souza presents the sordid truth about Hillary and the secret history of the Democratic Party, including how Democrats transitioned from pro-slavery to pro-enslavement; the long-standing Democratic political war against women; how Hillary Clinton's political mentor was, literally, a cold-blooded gangster; how the Clintons and other Democrats see foreign policy not in terms of national interest, but in terms of personal profit; how Democratically controlled cities have turned into hotbeds of crime and corruption; and much, much more.
BOOK
Deceit on the Road to War
In Deceit on the Road to War , John M. Schuessler
examines how U.S. presidents have deceived the American public
about fundamental decisions of war and peace. Deception has been
deliberate, he suggests, as presidents have sought to shift blame
for war onto others in some cases and oversell its benefits in
others. Such deceit is a natural outgrowth of the democratic
process, in Schuessler's view, because elected leaders have
powerful incentives to maximize domestic support for war and retain
considerable ability to manipulate domestic audiences. They can
exploit information and propaganda advantages to frame issues in
misleading ways, cherry-pick supporting evidence, suppress damaging
revelations, and otherwise skew the public debate to their benefit.
These tactics are particularly effective before the outbreak of
war, when the information gap between leaders and the public is
greatest.
When resorting to deception, leaders take a calculated risk that
the outcome of war will be favorable, expecting the public to adopt
a forgiving attitude after victory is secured. The three cases
featured in the book-Franklin Roosevelt and World War II, Lyndon
Johnson and the Vietnam War, and George W. Bush and the Iraq
War-test these claims. Schuessler concludes that democracies are
not as constrained in their ability to go to war as we might
believe and that deception cannot be ruled out in all cases as
contrary to the national interest.
In Deceit on the Road to War , John M. Schuessler
examines how U.S. presidents have deceived the American public
about fundamental decisions of war and peace. Deception has been
deliberate, he suggests, as presidents have sought to shift blame
for war onto others in some cases and oversell its benefits in
others. Such deceit is a natural outgrowth of the democratic
process, in Schuessler's view, because elected leaders have
powerful incentives to maximize domestic support for war and retain
considerable ability to manipulate domestic audiences. They can
exploit information and propaganda advantages to frame issues in
misleading ways, cherry-pick supporting evidence, suppress damaging
revelations, and otherwise skew the public debate to their benefit.
These tactics are particularly effective before the outbreak of
war, when the information gap between leaders and the public is
greatest.When resorting to deception, leaders take a calculated
risk that the outcome of war will be favorable, expecting the
public to adopt a forgiving attitude after victory is secured. The
three cases featured in the book-Franklin Roosevelt and World War
II, Lyndon Johnson and the Vietnam War, and George W. Bush and the
Iraq War-test these claims. Schuessler concludes that democracies
are not as constrained in their ability to go to war as we might
believe and that deception cannot be ruled out in all cases as
contrary to the national interest.
eBook
Unpresidented : a biography of Donald Trump
A biography for young adults in which the author explores what she sees as Trump's questionable political and personal conduct and his unprecedented rise to power.
BOOK
Philosopher-King or Polarizing Politician? A Personality Profile of Barack Obama
Although U.S. President Barack Obama received extensive media coverage during the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign and later during the first two years of his presidency, many people still perceive him as elusive, or even contradictory. Using biographical facts and objective at-a-distance measures, this article presents a personality profile of Obama. The profile is organized around a fourfold conception of personality. Personality can be understood as the residue of past and present social contexts and is publicly visible as traits or consistencies of style. Internal beliefs, values, and other cognitions, as well as implicit motives, can only be indirectly observed and so are measured through content analysis. The resulting profile is used to explain some outcomes, as well as paradoxes and puzzles of Obama's performance as president. It also suggests predictions about the future course of his presidency.
Journal Article