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The UAW's Southern Gamble is the first in-depth assessment of the United Auto Workers' efforts to organize foreign vehicle plants (Daimler-Chrysler, Mercedes-Benz, Nissan, and Volkswagen) in the American South since 1989, an era when union membership declined precipitously. Stephen J. Silvia chronicles transnational union cooperation between the UAW and its counterparts in Brazil, France, Germany, and Japan and documents the development of employer strategies that have proven increasingly effective at thwarting unionization. Silvia shows that when organizing, unions must now fight on three fronts: at the worksite; in the corporate boardroom; and in the political realm. The UAW's Southern Gamble makes clear that the UAW's failed campaigns in the South can teach hard-won lessons about challenging the structural and legal roadblocks to union participation and effectively organizing workers within and beyond the auto industry.

The author examines attempts by the United Auto Workers (UAW) to unionize the Volkswagen (VW) plant in Chattanooga, Tennessee. These efforts were a pivotal test of labor’s ability to organize in the South. The UAW failed to organize the entire plant, despite an amenable employer, because of heavy intervention by external actors, the union’s failure to develop community support, and a paragraph in the pre-election agreement that promised wage restraint. VW management’s fear of losing state subsidies and their desire to not alienate the local business and political establishment took the card-check procedure for recognition off the table. VW management’s adoption of an accommodating position toward unionization for the entire plant, but resistance to it for the small skilledmechanics unit, suggests that the company was willing to accept unionization only as a means to the end of creating a works council rather than out of a commitment to collective bargaining as a practice.

Background In cystic fibrosis (CF) patients, the upper airways display the same ion channel defect as evident in the lungs, resulting in chronic inflammation and infection. Recognition of the sinonasal area as a site of first and persistent infection with pathogens, such as Pseudomonas aeruginosa , reinforces the “one-airway” hypothesis. Therefore, we assessed the effect of systemic antibiotics against pulmonary pathogens on sinonasal inflammation. Methods Nasal lavage fluid (NLF) from 17 CF patients was longitudinally collected prior to and during elective intravenous (i.v.) antibiotic treatment to reduce pathogen burden and resulting inflammation (median treatment time at time of analysis: 6 days). Samples were assessed microbiologically and cytologically. Cytokine and chemokine expression was measured by Cytometric Bead Array and ELISA (interleukin (IL)-1β, IL-6, IL-8, MPO, MMP9, RANTES and NE). Findings were compared with inflammatory markers from NLF obtained from 52 healthy controls. Results Initially, the total cell count of the NLF was significantly higher in CF patients than in controls. However after i.v. antibiotic treatment it decreased to a normal level. Compared with controls, detection frequencies and absolute concentrations of MPO, IL-8, IL-6 and IL-1β were also significantly higher in CF patients. The detection frequency of TNF was also higher. Furthermore, during i.v. therapy sinonasal concentrations of IL-6 decreased significantly ( P  = 0.0059), while RANTES and MMP9 levels decreased 10-fold and two-fold, respectively. PMN-Elastase, assessed for the first time in NFL, did not change during therapy. Conclusions Analysis of NLF inflammatory markers revealed considerable differences between controls and CF patients, with significant changes during systemic i.v. AB treatment within just 6 days. Thus, our data support further investigation into the collection of samples from the epithelial surface of the upper airways by nasal lavage as a potential diagnostic and research tool.

This article examines the industrial relations systems constructed by Ford and United Automobile Workers (UAW) leaders for the Ford Motor Company in the 1940s. Ford’s industrial relations systems extended privileges to men and male-dominated groups to the detriment of their female counterparts and women seeking employment and advancement. Systemic male privilege was integral to Ford’s operations throughout conversion to military production for World War II and reconversion back to civilian production.

The Union of Australian Women (UAW) was a national organisation for left-wing women between World War II and the emergence of the women's liberation movement. Along with other left-wing activists, UAW members supported Aboriginal rights, through their policies, publications and actions. They also attracted a number of Aboriginal members including Pearl Gibbs, Gladys O'Shane, Dulcie Flower and Faith Bandler. Focusing on NSW activity in the assimilation period, this article argues that the strong support of UAW members for Aboriginal rights drew upon the group's establishment far-left politics, its relations with other women's groups and the activism of its Aboriginal members. Non-Aboriginal members of the UAW gave practical and resourceful assistance to their Aboriginal comrades in a number of campaigns through the assimilation era, forming productive and collaborative relationships. Many of their campaigns aligned with approaches of the Communist Party of Australia and left-wing trade unions. In assessing the relationship between the UAW and Aboriginal rights, this article addresses a gap in the scholarship of assimilation era activism.

Aims: To re-examine aerodigestive cancer risk in a cohort of autoworkers exposed to metal working fluids (MWF), using improved case definition and more recently diagnosed cases. Methods: The autoworker cohort included 31 100 hourly workers alive on 1 January 1985 who worked at three automobile plants in Michigan. A case-cohort design was carried out that included incident cases of cancers of the larynx, oesophagus, and stomach, and a 10% sample of the cohort. A Cox proportional hazards model was used to estimate MWF exposure effects. The smoothing method of penalised splines was used to explore the shape of the underlying exposure-response curves. Results: The most important finding was the association between larynx cancer incidence and cumulative straight MWF exposure. The results for oesophageal cancer were less consistent. For stomach cancer there was no evidence of excess risk. Conclusion: This association between larynx cancer and straight MWF exposures was consistent with a previous finding in this cohort, providing further support for a causal relation.

The chapter discusses how the Ford Motor Company coined the term “automation” in part to justify a speedup of production. Whereas earlier historians of automation have considered the effect of mechanization on skilled trades, this chapter demonstrates that the main targets of the automation discourse at the time it took shape were semiskilled workers, the backbone of the new and powerful industrial unions to come out of the 1930s. The chapter then shows that workers themselves understood “automation” as a speedup; their experience of “automation” was not of labor saving, but labor intensification.

Comparison of the forgotten discourse of shorter hours with the inherited politics of the War on Poverty illuminates a surprising and relatively unexplored dimension in the interaction of race and labor in the post‐war era. It is commonly asserted that the liberal leadership of the industrial union movement supported civil rights and the War on Poverty, even as these progressive efforts often were undermined by the racial bigotry of the old skilled trade unions. United Automobile Workers (UAW) president, Walter Reuther, opposed the movement for a shorter workweek. In the context of the rivalry between the AFL and the CIO in the late 1930s and early 1940s, however, the authority of the UAW‐CIO was directly challenged by the UAW‐AFL, a breakaway, rival auto union. It was in the context of this battle that Reuther and his allies had initiated the drive for a shorter workweek.