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National levels of personal health-care access and quality can be approximated by measuring mortality rates from causes that should not be fatal in the presence of effective medical care (ie, amenable mortality). Previous analyses of mortality amenable to health care only focused on high-income countries and faced several methodological challenges. In the present analysis, we use the highly standardised cause of death and risk factor estimates generated through the Global Burden of Diseases, Injuries, and Risk Factors Study (GBD) to improve and expand the quantification of personal health-care access and quality for 195 countries and territories from 1990 to 2015. We mapped the most widely used list of causes amenable to personal health care developed by Nolte and McKee to 32 GBD causes. We accounted for variations in cause of death certification and misclassifications through the extensive data standardisation processes and redistribution algorithms developed for GBD. To isolate the effects of personal health-care access and quality, we risk-standardised cause-specific mortality rates for each geography-year by removing the joint effects of local environmental and behavioural risks, and adding back the global levels of risk exposure as estimated for GBD 2015. We employed principal component analysis to create a single, interpretable summary measure–the Healthcare Quality and Access (HAQ) Index–on a scale of 0 to 100. The HAQ Index showed strong convergence validity as compared with other health-system indicators, including health expenditure per capita (r=0·88), an index of 11 universal health coverage interventions (r=0·83), and human resources for health per 1000 (r=0·77). We used free disposal hull analysis with bootstrapping to produce a frontier based on the relationship between the HAQ Index and the Socio-demographic Index (SDI), a measure of overall development consisting of income per capita, average years of education, and total fertility rates. This frontier allowed us to better quantify the maximum levels of personal health-care access and quality achieved across the development spectrum, and pinpoint geographies where gaps between observed and potential levels have narrowed or widened over time. Between 1990 and 2015, nearly all countries and territories saw their HAQ Index values improve; nonetheless, the difference between the highest and lowest observed HAQ Index was larger in 2015 than in 1990, ranging from 28·6 to 94·6. Of 195 geographies, 167 had statistically significant increases in HAQ Index levels since 1990, with South Korea, Turkey, Peru, China, and the Maldives recording among the largest gains by 2015. Performance on the HAQ Index and individual causes showed distinct patterns by region and level of development, yet substantial heterogeneities emerged for several causes, including cancers in highest-SDI countries; chronic kidney disease, diabetes, diarrhoeal diseases, and lower respiratory infections among middle-SDI countries; and measles and tetanus among lowest-SDI countries. While the global HAQ Index average rose from 40·7 (95% uncertainty interval, 39·0–42·8) in 1990 to 53·7 (52·2–55·4) in 2015, far less progress occurred in narrowing the gap between observed HAQ Index values and maximum levels achieved; at the global level, the difference between the observed and frontier HAQ Index only decreased from 21·2 in 1990 to 20·1 in 2015. If every country and territory had achieved the highest observed HAQ Index by their corresponding level of SDI, the global average would have been 73·8 in 2015. Several countries, particularly in eastern and western sub-Saharan Africa, reached HAQ Index values similar to or beyond their development levels, whereas others, namely in southern sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, and south Asia, lagged behind what geographies of similar development attained between 1990 and 2015. This novel extension of the GBD Study shows the untapped potential for personal health-care access and quality improvement across the development spectrum. Amid substantive advances in personal health care at the national level, heterogeneous patterns for individual causes in given countries or territories suggest that few places have consistently achieved optimal health-care access and quality across health-system functions and therapeutic areas. This is especially evident in middle-SDI countries, many of which have recently undergone or are currently experiencing epidemiological transitions. The HAQ Index, if paired with other measures of health-system characteristics such as intervention coverage, could provide a robust avenue for tracking progress on universal health coverage and identifying local priorities for strengthening personal health-care quality and access throughout the world. Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.

There is an Igbo saying that the world is a marketplace (uwa bu ahia). This simple worldview can be explained literally to mean that the Igbo think so because trading is a prominent occupation among the Igbo (it could also mean that a marketplace is the epicenter of community social and business interaction). That might be why the Igbo weekdays are named after their markets — Eke, Orie, Afo, Nkwo. Children born on any of these market days often assume the default name as in Okeke or Mgbeke, Okorie or Mgborie, Okafo or Mgbafo, Okonkwo or Mgbonkwo for male or female children, respectively, born on the corresponding market days. We are yet to come across another culture for which the market holds such a fascinating centrality in their worldview even while they see themselves as ruggedly egalitarian. The meaning of the thesis statement that the world is a marketplace is deeper than the literal interpretation. The deeper meaning is the suggestion that all the problems we encounter in this world are open to negotiation, haggling and bargaining. Some people come into the market place with greater resources than others and therefore are able to buy more goods and services just as some people are born or raised with greater resources, increasing their bargaining power in the global marketplace. When the Igbo say that the world is a market, they usually complete the sentence by observing that when one buys to one's content, one goes home. The home referred to here is the land of the ancestors to which the Igbo believe the spirits of the dead return to bargain for a better life in their next incarnation. If one's creator dealt one a raw deal in this life, one can still bargain with his/her personal God (or Chi) and haggle for a better break in the next life. In other words, the Igbo intend the paradox that the world is a market as a description of the global world and not simply just the Igbo world. This paper will focus on how the Igbo organize the training of children in commercial and consumerist activities given their mercantilist worldview. Are there lessons that other cultures could learn from the Igbo and are there lessons that the Igbo could learn from the social structure of modernist business schools?

Reflections of a former student and colleague of Professor Victor Chikezie Uchendu, author of The Igbo of South East Nigeria. This tribute reflects on his major contributions to knowledge and what a loss that the academic community suffered at the hands of his assassins.

This article explores some of the complexities of fieldwork for ethnographers conducting research in the ethnographic settings of significant 'others'. The fieldwork in question took place in the rural, geographically isolated community of Ubang, in Obudu, Nigeria, where I was following in the footsteps of my anthropologist father. Drawing on personal experience, I attempt to candidly examine the challenges inevitably faced in this situation, including acceptance by the community as a bona fide researcher, pressure to fulfill the expectations of others familiar with my father's work, and the struggle to carve out a professional identity distinct from my father's.

The article honors two Nigerian anthropologists of Igbo background who recently passed away. Both scholars made major contributions to a broad range of scholarly thought in anthropology and in general social science to crucial issues in Nigerian politics, society and life. Nzimiro is considered in terms of his traditional anthropological training in Germany and England, through which he investigated four Niger River basin communities, and then his emergence as a Marxist anthropologist for the rest of his life in Nigeria, where he consistently critiqued neocolonialism in Nigeria. He explored issues of ethnicity, the Nigerian civil war, militarism, the state of the social sciences, the environment, Oguta culture, where he was born, ethnic conflicts, conditions at Nigerian universities, and other issues. Nzimiro generally rejected the post-colonial world, arguing that it was not revolutionary enough. Uchendu dealt with many of the same issues, but in contrast to Nzimiro he did so by accepting the existence of post-colonial Nigeria, though suggesting many ways to improve education, the environment, cultural and national transition, dependency theory, and to study urbanization and ethnicity, while also writing a major work on Igbo culture. Both authors are honored for their critiques of Nigerian society, as well as their contributions to Igbo ethnology.

\"I love that. I'd rather have a game where we can know what it's like to win and work for that, instead of just blowing teams out of the water,\" said Collin Uchendu, Raiders linebacker. \"We got a win and we had a pre-season game at the same time...\" he said. \"Our team's a little bit young and we're going to take some punches before we learn. As long as we keep winning while we're taking those punches, then we're going to be solid.\" \"This win is probably the most important win of the regular season,\" Uchendu said. \"Since we've been around, the Rebels have never beat us, so just to keep that up was important.\"

[Charles Miller] said he didn't want to see any priest, [Cajetan Uchendu] said. But then Uchendu asked him if he was Catholic, and Miller broke down and said yes. He cried as he talked about his disillusionment with the church, Uchendu said. Miller's wife, Mary, reported Uchendu to Bishop William Murphy of the Rockville Centre Diocese. He dismissed Uchendu, who had worked with the diocese for four years. WILLIE ANDERSON DAILY NEWS Cajetan Uchendu (l.), with attorney Thomas Liotti, says allegations he refused dying man last rites are false. He has filed $12 million suit against man's family, Diocese of Rockville Centre and Newsday to determine truth and get his side out, he says.

The lawsuit also claims that Newsday's coverage of [Cajetan Uchendu]'s firing, in a July 17, 2003, article, tarnished Uchendu's reputation by publishing the allegations leveled against him \"with a reckless disregard for the truth.\" \"Newsday had multiple, consistent, knowledgable sources, including Rev. Uchendu, whose views were included in the article,\" said Stephanie S. Abrutyn, an attorney for Newsday. \"Newsday has filed a motion to dismiss the case.\"

Grant Yokanovich, 31, told police he was driving on West Street near Gibralter Avenue at 1:21 p.m. when a man driving a red Acura swerved at him as if to run him off the road. The driver of the Acura, later identified as 22-year-old Justin Chinedu Uchendu, followed him and approached Mr. Yokanovich in the parking lot of Thrifty Auto Repair, police said. Witnesses told police Mr. Uchendu yelled at Mr. Yokanovich and threatened him. Workers repeatedly asked Mr. Uchendu to leave, but he continued to threaten Mr. Yokanovich, police said. At one point, Mr. Uchendu got a large knife from his car and threatened to cut the workers who followed him into the parking lot. He also said he had a gun under his seat, police said. Mr. Uchendu drove away and returned at 1:44 p.m., when officers were on the scene. They searched his car and didn't find any weapons, police said. Mr. Uchendu denied threatening Mr. Yokanovich or having a knife, but several witnesses in the area disputed his story. He was charged with assault.