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\"One of the major obstacles, if not the major obstacle, unions face in building their influence in the workplace is the opposition and resistance from those that own those workplaces, namely, the employers. Global Anti-Unionism examines the nature and form of this anti-unionism, and in doing so explains the ways and means by which employers have successfully maintained their right to manage. The role of the state is also considered at length as part of the process by which employer domination has been maintained. Set in the context of the global north and south, this volume provides an introduction to the key theories and concepts, followed by historical and contemporary sections examining different countries\"-- Provided by publisher.

In April 2021, the Retail, Wholesale, and Department Store Union (RWDSU) lost a National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) election at an Amazon warehouse in Bessemer, Alabama (BHMi), by 1798 votes to 738. But the RWDSU did not lose the landmark election because of substandard organizing practices. It lost the vote because it faced the world's most powerful anti-union company, which was prepared to do whatever was necessary to crush the union, even if its actions very likely violated the law. Moreover, despite its election loss, the RWDSU drive has boosted the global campaign to unionize Amazon and reinvigorated the debate over the need for stronger labor rights in the US.

The Amazon workers union election in Bessemer, Alabama was the most-covered union drive in many years. The New York Times treated it like a congressional race, with a live vote count on its website. The final count was 738-1798 against the union. Amazon declared victory; the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union filed objections to the conduct of the election and related unfair labor practice charges with the National Labor Relations Board; and \"hot takes\" proliferated across the internet. As Amazon's footprint - and working conditions - spread across the US and the world, it has become increasingly clear that the labor movement has to crack Amazon.

The arduous struggle to form Local 480 of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers (Mine-Mill) at Trail, British Columbia, began in 1938. By 1944 it had been certified as the legal bargaining agent for the 5,000 workers at the Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company of Canada (cm's). But being certified did not spell the end of its problems. Even as World War II was winding down, local and continental anti-Communists attacked the Communist leaders who had founded the local. Among the most determined of the attackers was the United Steelworkers of America (uswa). As the Cold War began, Local 480 was girding for a two-year battle to protect itself from the raiding uswa. Sanctioned by the Congress of Industrial Organizations (cio) to subsume Mine-Mill across North America, the Steelworkers employed an aggressive anti-Communist strategy. In early 1950, when this account begins, Local 480 was in a fight for its life.

Anti-union campaigns conducted by specialists are widely employed and generally successful. Although they have been described in some detail, there has been little analysis as to how they are able to persuade workers to vote against their interests. This study proposes a model of the anti-union campaign in which different personality types gravitate into one of three camps: union supporters, union opponents, and swing voters. Anti-union messages evoke different reactions from each and are intended to drive a wedge between swing voters and union supporters. This model suggests several ways unions could make their campaigns more effective by taking personality differences into account.

The February 2012 closure of London, Ontario's Electro-Motive Diesel by the notoriously anti-union US multinational Caterpillar symbolizes the deep challenges faced by private sector unions in globalized industries. This closure was the final blow in Caterpillar's negotiations with Canadian Auto Workers Local 27. This article explores the implications of changes in corporate structure, investment, and labour-relations strategy in manufacturing that have reduced capital's dependence on production and increased corporate power over workers. Through a detailed case study based on extensive analysis of a range of sources, the authors argue that union strategy must be guided by a more differentiated understanding of corporate structure. While unions can effectively mobilize in response to attacks by anti-union employers, union strategy must first be rooted in a careful study of the employer's structure, strengths and weaknesses, and industry context. Second, unions must develop capacities to intervene at scales beyond the local employment relationship and community. Third, unions must consider more carefully the nature of the various forms of power they seek to deploy and how these forms of power can amplify each other. Even the most effective campaigns will fail to muster leverage over an employer or industry if they neglect developing these forms of knowledge and capacity. La fermeture, en février 2012, de Electro-Motive Diesel, de London, en Ontario, par la multinationale américaine notoirement antisyndicale Caterpillar, symbolise les défis profonds auxquels sont confrontés les syndicats du secteur privé dans les industries mondialisées. Cette fermeture a été le dernier coup dur dans les négociations de Caterpillar avec la section locale 27 des Travailleurs canadiens de l'automobile. Cet article porte sur les répercussions des changements dans la structure organisationnelle, l'investissement et la stratégie de relations de travail dans le secteur manufacturier qui ont réduit la dépendance du capital à l'égard de la production et accru le pouvoir des entreprises sur les travailleurs. À l'aide d'une étude de cas détaillée fondée sur une analyse approfondie d'une gamme de sources, les auteurs soutiennent que la stratégie syndicale doit être guidée par une compréhension plus différenciée de la structure de l'entreprise. Alors que les syndicats peuvent effectivement se mobiliser en réponse aux attaques des employeurs antisyndicaux, la stratégie syndicale doit d'abord être ancrée dans une étude attentive de la structure, des forces et des faiblesses de l'employeur et du contexte de l'industrie. Deuxièmement, les syndicats doivent développer des capacités d'intervention à des échelles autres que la relation de travail et la communauté locales. Troisièmement, les syndicats doivent examiner plus attentivement la nature des diverses formes de pouvoir qu'ils cherchent à déployer et comment ces formes de pouvoir peuvent se renforcer mutuellement. Même les campagnes les plus efficaces ne parviendront pas à se mobiliser contre un employeur ou une industrie si elles négligent de développer ces formes de connaissances et de capacités.

Scott Walker's meteoric rise from a Milwaukee county executive in 2010 to a leading contender for the 2016 Republican presidential nomination surprised many observers. But Walker's trajectory is part of a robust tradition dating back to the 1870s of conservative presidential hopefuls and presidents advancing and defining their careers through union busting. Like Governor Walker, Governor Hayes, McKinley, and Coolidge used confrontations with organized labor to thrust themselves into the national spotlight and position themselves for a presidential run. Challenging labor has also boosted the reputations of incumbent presidents for tough and decisive leadership, most recently, as Walker knew well, in the case of Ronald Reagan's response to the air traffic controllers' strike. Presidents and presidential hopefuls have battled organized labor to demonstrate that they are presidential material, and Walker learned the lesson well: union busting pays.

Between 1995 and 2004, Kate Bronfenbrenner wrote several studies arguing that union organizing would be more successful if certain tactics were used. Bronfenbrenner’s methodology seemed unassailable and her opinions were influential among union leaders, but organizing outcomes did not improve. To understand why, this study asked highly successful union organizers for their views. Their responses point to an entirely different conceptualization of the organizing process. Rather than follow a certain recipe, respondents saw their first priority as building relationships of trust with workers. Then, organizers and workers together could develop tactics tailored to the particular situation. If organizing success most requires relation-building skills and creativity, then it is more important for unions to hire the right organizers than to employ a given tactical formula.

This study explores employers' anti-union strategies in the Niagara Peninsula from the mid-1940s to the mid-1960s in order to enhance our understanding of the nature of relations between labour and capital during the period generally described as that of the postwar compromise. Relying on such unexplored archival collections as the papers of the St. Catharines firm, Ontario Editorial Bureau, as well as the collections of the Archives of Ontario and Library and Archives Canada, the study focuses on four main union-avoidance strategies: the establishment of company-dominated unions, anti-union public relations campaigns, corporate welfarism, and company relocation. By illustrating the depth and endurance of Niagara employers' opposition to unions during the period of supposed compromise between employers, workers and the state the study demonstrates that there was greater continuity than we have supposed between management views of workers' rights during the period of the postwar compromise and the neoliberalism that characterized subsequent decades. Cette étude explore les stratégies antisyndicales des employeurs dans la péninsule du Niagara depuis le milieu des années 1940 jusqu'au milieu des années 1960 afin d'améliorer notre compréhension de la nature des relations entre le travail et le capital pendant la période généralement décrite comme celle du compromis d'après-guerre. Se fondant sur des collections d'archives inexplorées telles que les dossiers de l'entreprise de St. Catharines, le Bureau de rédaction de l'Ontario, ainsi que les collections des archives publiques de l'Ontario et du Canada, l'étude met l'accent sur quatre stratégies antisyndicales principales: la création des entreprises antisyndicales, l'organisation des campagnes antisyndicales en matière de relations publiques, le maintien du bien-être des entreprises, et la délocalisation des entreprises. En illustrant la profondeur et l'endurance des employeurs du Niagara à l'égard de l'opposition aux syndicats au cours de la période du compromis supposé entre les employeurs, les travailleurs et l'état, l'étude démontre qu'il y a plus de continuité que nous avons supposée entre les opinions de la gestion sur les droits des travailleurs pendant la période du compromis d'après-guerre et le néolibéralisme qui a caractérisé les décennies subséquentes.