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"United Nation"
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The Chapter VII Powers of the United Nations Security Council
2004
This study provides a comprehensive analysis of the questions pertaining to the powers of the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. In doing so it departs from the premise that an analysis of the limitations to the powers of the Security Council and an analysis of judicial review of such limitations by the ICJ, respectively, are inter-dependent. On the one hand, judicial review would only become relevant if and to the extent that the powers granted to the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter are subject to justiciable limitations. On the other hand, the relevance of any limitation to the powers of the Security Council would remain limited if it could not be enforced by judicial review. This inter-dependence is reflected by the fact that Chapters 2 and 3 focus on judicial review in advisory and contentious proceedings, respectively, whereas Chapters 4 to 9 examine the limits to the powers of the Security Council. The concluding chapter subsequently illuminates how the respective limits to the Security Council’s enforcement powers could be enforced by judicial review. It also explores an alternative mode of review of binding Security Council decisions that could complement judicial review by the ICJ, notably the right of states to reject illegal Security Council decisions as a ‘right of last resort’. The space and attention devoted to the limits to the Security Council’s enforcement powers reflects the second aim of this study, namely to provide new direction to this aspect of the debate on the Security Council’s powers under Chapter VII of the Charter. It does so by paying particular attention to the role of human rights norms in limiting the type of enforcement measures that the Security Council can resort to in order to maintain or restore international peace and security.
The Politics of Genocide
by
Bachman, Jeffrey S
in
Genocide (International law)
,
Genocide intervention
,
Genocide intervention -- Political aspects
2022
Beginning with the negotiations that concluded with the unanimous
adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide on December 9, 1948, and
extending to the present day, the United States, Soviet
Union/Russia, China, United Kingdom, and France have put forth
great effort to ensure that they will not be implicated in the
crime of genocide. If this were to fail, they have also ensured
that holding any of them accountable for genocide will be
practically impossible. By situating genocide prevention in a
system of territorial jurisdiction; by excluding protection for
political groups and acts constituting cultural genocide from the
Genocide Convention; by controlling when genocide is meaningfully
named at the Security Council; and by pointing the responsibility
to protect in directions away from any of the P-5, they have
achieved what can only be described as practical impunity for
genocide. The Politics of Genocide is the first book to
explicitly demonstrate how the permanent member nations have
exploited the Genocide Convention to isolate themselves from the
reach of the law, marking them as \"outlaw states.\"
This America : the case for the nation
\"[A] work that examines the dilemma of nationalism and the erosion of liberalism in the twenty-first century. At a time of much despair over the future of liberal democracy, Harvard historian Jill Lepore makes a stirring case for the nation in [this] work of political philosophy as well as a reclamation of America's national history\"-- Provided by publisher.
Building the nation : missed opportunities in Iraq and Afghanistan
Building the Nation argues that the U.S. led efforts to \"nation build\" in both Iraq and Afghanistan focused more on what should be called \"state building.\"
Armies of Peace
2008
The United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) was the first international organization to be established after the Second World War, and Canada played a key role in its formation. Formal studies of UNRRA, however, have tended to focus on inter-governmental political and economic relationships and their consequences for shaping the post-war international environment. Armies of Peace is the first comprehensive investigation of Canadians' influence on the establishment and operation of this unique organization.
This volume challenges the hierarchical and policy-oriented approach to the study of international organizations and offers a more nuanced understanding of Canada's international involvement. By recounting the stories of hundreds of Canadians who served at every level of the organization and in every country where UNRRA established missions, Susan Armstrong-Reid and David Murray highlight the wider contributions that the nation made. Giving voice to these Canadians' stories also provides a more complete understanding of Canada's role in post-war healing and foreshadows the challenges that Canadians faced in implementing international aid and development initiatives within developing countries during the Cold War.
Featuring previously untapped primary sources such as private papers, diaries, and letters, and utilizing a cross-disciplinary approach, Armies of Peace is an invaluable addition to the study of international organizations, Canadian social history, and the history of nursing.
Rising from the ashes : UN peacebuilding in Timor-Leste
\"Rising from the Ashes: UN Peacebuilding in Timor-Leste, provides an in-depth look into the UN's first experiment in governing and building peace in the aftermath of conflict, using East Timor as a case study. It examines how the Timorese have progressed after the UN left and the challenges that lie ahead. The book is covered in two parts: in the first part, the book examines the UN's role after it entered East Timor in 1999 as the de facto government; and in the second part, the book examines how Timor-Leste has progressed in peacebuilding after the UN's withdrawal in 2012. Rising from the Ashes: UN Peacebuilding in Timor-Leste is based on the author's first-hand experience working in the UN as it restored law and order and built a state in a country without a government, any infrastructure, or human resources. The book argues that peacebuilding is a long-term endeavor and is a work in progress in Timor-Leste, based on the good foundations laid by the UN. However, like many other developing countries, Timor-Leste has enormous challenges to address; but it also has oil resources and a young population. Its future success will depend on how its oil wealth is managed and distributed, whether it is able to bridge the urban-rural divisions in the country, provide employment for its burgeoning population, and progress economically. Last, but not least, its future success will also depend importantly, on how its leadership deals with past, namely, the continuing intra-elite divisions that are a legacy of its troubled history. They have to transcend past divisions and unite Timorese society for the future development of the country. The book ends with a set of recommendations for Timor-Leste and for the region, namely members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)\"-- Provided by publisher.
China in UN Security Council Decision-making on Iraq
2013,2012
This book analyses and explains China's behaviour as an increasingly significant member of the United Nations Security Council by the concept of strategic preferences developed in the book. Looking at the continuity and change within China's policy behaviour, it extends our understanding of this fast-rising power within the UN.
As much about ideas as action, this book asks why and in what ways ideas matter in foreign policy analysis. To explain China's role in UN Security Council decision-making accurately, the author utilizes an original theoretical framework employing the concept of strategic preferences. To explain China's strategy in the UN Security Council of balancing long-term and short-term concerns, the book examines set and ranked preferences for the courses of action which are informed by China's national purposes. The book argues that present theories fail to capture the complexity of China's thinking, the sense of vulnerability underlying China's policy behaviour, and the increasing willingness to position itself as a responsible world power inclined towards a more positive role in Security Council decision-making.
China in UN Security Council Decision-making on Iraq will be of interest to scholars and students of international relations and Chinese politics.