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Evolution of United Nations peacekeeping - legal issues in connection with contemporary peacekeeping - humanitarian law implications of peacekeeping operations - international responsibility - sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers.

Peace Operation Success: A Comparative Analysis applies the framework in and Druckman and Diehl's award winning EVALUATING PEACE OPERATIONS to several recent cases of peace operations, including those in Cambodia, Cote d'Ivoire, Timor Leste, and Liberia.

It is true that the foundations of the global order are creaking under the weight of myriad challenges--from militant extremism to climate change. Such phenomena not only confronts people with direct threats, but also risk an erosion of the faith in the potential of the UN to act in the interest of the global collective good. It seems that, while the need for more effective global governance is more pressing than ever, those actors with the potential to provide it are faltering. Here, Williams tackles the deep state of crisis of global governance.

Reviews peacekeeping/peacebuilding over the last 20 years to emphasize the need for a peacekeeping system capable of responding to global challenges. Impediments to a global peacekeeping system include the North-South divide & a resurgence of the Westphalian bias (dominance of state sovereignty). It is contended that the system will require inclusiveness, partnerships, coalition building, global networks, agreement of member states with UN political strategies, the ability to deal with the use of force, & \"an inclusive institution to mitigate UN institutional fragmentation.\". Adapted from the source document.

Canadians take pride in the peacekeeping legacy of their country. Looking back over the history of United Nations (UN) peace operations, episodes that loom large include Lester B. Pearson's role in the creation of the first peacekeeping force, the rapid deployment of Canadian troops to Cyprus, the battles of Sarajevo in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Medak Pocket in Croatia, and the actions of Lieutenant General Romeo Dallaire as force commander in Rwanda. Until 1989, Canada had participated in every UN mission. In total, Canada contributed more than 10 percent of total UN military personnel deployed since 1947.

This study examines the leadership role of the United Nations, from 2001 to 2005, in helping the government and people of Afghanistan to build democratic institutions and practices at national and local levels. The UN, seeking a better form of governance that could also politically unite non-Taliban factions, pursued with Afghan elites a risky strategy of democratization with a \"light footprint\" during a low-intensity insurgency. From interim to transitional to elected authorities, UN-facilitated political development activities have, in effect, initiated a transformation in the notion and sources of authority among Afghans—from rule by religious scholars, tribal elders, and warlords to a hybrid model of governance involving democratically elected leaders. By helping Afghans reconcile the inherent tensions between these competing forms of authority, international peacebuilders contributed to improved conditions of governance and a reduction in intrastate political violence. The case of Afghanistan affirms the benefits of democratization after war that seeks to bridge the gap in conceptions between old and new authority types. Drawing on these findings, policy recommendations are advanced to further strengthen the UN system's democratic peacebuilding work in facilitating the political (re)construction of war-shattered societies.

Seventy years ago the world witnessed the conclusion of two months of intense multilateral diplomacy, with the signing of the Charter of the United Nations. In one of the defining acts of the twentieth century, representatives of 50 countries endorsed the formation of an international organization created in the hopes of preserving peace and building a better world for all.

Helton discusses his recent involvement with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Helton notes that the focus of the meeting was the involvement of UN peacekeeping troops in the recent political unrest in Sierra Leone. Many of the UN's forces had been kidnapped or even killed.

This is a study of a humanitarian intervention in Southeast Asia led by a neighbouring state. The focus of the article is the first month of the International Force East Timor (INTERFET) operation led by Australia on behalf of the international community, with strong regional support, at the invitation of Indonesia. The article deals with the practical considerations that confronted senior military commanders as they implemented INTERFET's United Nations Security Council mandate at the operational level. INTERFET sought to shape events in East Timor through the deterrence of certain Indonesian force elements while at the same time developing effective co-operation with senior Indonesian military officers. Various aspects of the INTERFET operation are analysed.

From Maude Royden's 'Peace Army' in the 1930s to the recent Gulf Peace Team, there has been a rich but little known history of attempted unarmed interpositionary peace-keeping. Most of these initiatives have stalled at the proposal stage primarily because of a lack of money and the absence of international organizational and logistical support. The Gulf Peace Team was perhaps the least well thought through attempt; however, it did manage, for the first time, to place a group of peace campaigners between belligerents in a time of war. It would appear that with the passing of time gains have been achieved on the physical plane - the attempts are increasingly getting volunteers closer and closer to the interpositionary ideal. However, the corresponding analytical gains have not been made. It is doubtful whether independent interpositionary peace-keeping ventures will ever be able to command the economic and logistical resources required and, more importantly, raise enough volunteers to achieve a critical mass that would make a difference in terms of preventing or stopping hostilities. It would appear that the most appropriate tasks for those advocating the establishment of such 'forces' are in the realms of peace-keeping limited to non-violent escort duties and the like (that is, small-scale interventionary rather than large-scale interpositionary peace-keeping), and especially peace-making and peace-building, while continuing in their efforts to encourage the establishment of local peace brigades and to interest the United Nations in the creation of a truly non-violent and unarmed peace-keeping force.