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\"American government evolved over the generations since the mid-nineteenth century. The changing character of these institutions is a critical part of the history of the United States. This engaging survey focuses on the evolution of public policy and its relationship to the constitutional and political structure of government at the federal, state, and local levels. A new chapter in this revised and updated edition examines the debate about \"big government\" over the last 20 years\"-- Provided by publisher.

American government evolved over the generations since the mid-nineteenth century. The changing character of these institutions is a critical part of the history of the United States. This engaging survey focuses on the evolution of public policy and its relationship to the constitutional and political structure of government at the federal, state, and local levels. A new chapter in this revised and updated edition examines the debate about \"big government\" over the last 20 years.

Découvrez enfin tout ce qu'il faut savoir sur William McKinley en moins d'une heure! 25e président des États-Unis, William McKinley est aujourd'hui relativement peu connu du grand public. Or, c'est lui qui, dès 1896, rétablit l'économie nationale, sortant le pays de son isolement et ouvrant la voie à un expansionnisme qui s'avérera indispensable. Pour les États-Unis, c'est une nouvelle ère qui commence. Ce livre vous permettra d'en savoir plus sur: • La vie du président • Le contexte politique et social de l'époque • Les temps forts de son action politique • Les répercussions de ses mandats Le mot de l'éditeur: « Dans ce numéro de la collection « 50MINUTES|Grands Présidents », Quentin Convard nous présente la vie tragique de William McKinley. Parvenu au faîte de sa gloire après avoir fait sortir son pays de la crise économique tout en le faisant entrer dans l'ère de l'expansionnisme, il est assassiné par un anarchiste peu après sa réélection. Il finira pendant plusieurs dizaines d'années parmi les grands oubliés de l'histoire suite à la flamboyante présidence de son successeur, Theodore Roosevelt. » Stéphanie DagrainÀ PROPOS DE LA SÉRIE 50MINUTES | Grands Présidents La série « Grands Présidents » de la collection « 50MINUTES » présente plus de cinquante hommes politiques qui ont marqué l'histoire. Chaque livre a été pensé pour les lecteurs curieux qui veulent faire le tour d'un sujet précis, tout en allant à l'essentiel, et ce en moins d'une heure. Nos auteurs combinent les faits historiques, les analyses et les nouvelles perspectives pour rendre accessibles des siècles d'histoire.

\"Revealing a piece of forgotten history, Stephen Kinzer transports us to the dawn of the twentieth century, when the United States first found itself with the chance to dominate faraway lands. That prospect thrilled some Americans. It horrified others ... The country's best-known political and intellectual leaders took sides. Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Cabot Lodge, and William Randolph Hearst pushed for imperial expansion; Mark Twain, Booker T. Washington, and Andrew Carnegie preached restraint. Only once before--in the period when the United States was founded--have so many brilliant Americans so eloquently debated a question so fraught with meaning for all humanity\"--Amazon.com.

When Theodore Roosevelt entered national politics as the Republicans' nominee for the vice presidency in 1900, he was only forty-one years old. However, he had caught the public's attention with the popular version of his life story. Child of East Coast privilege. Sickly, bespectacled youth. Naturalist and author. Harvard graduate. New York assemblyman. Young widower. Badlands cowboy. Civil Service reformer. Urban police commissioner. Assistant Secretary of the Navy. Rough Rider and war hero. Enemy of political bosses as governor of the nation's most important state. Attentive husband to his second wife, Edith, and the father of six children. Few candidates for the presidency or vice presidency have enjoyed the elevated level of admiration accorded Roosevelt in the waning days of the nineteenth century. Biographers have chronicled every significant period of Roosevelt's life with one exception, andAmerican Cyclonefills that gap. His nomination for the vice presidency was Roosevelt's debut as a candidate for national office.American Cyclonepresents the story of his campaign, a whirlwind effort highlighted by an astounding whistle-stop tour of 480 communities across twenty-three states. Eighteen of those states gave a plurality of votes to the McKinley-Roosevelt ticket, a gain of five states for the Republicans over 1896. Everywhere Roosevelt went, admiring throngs and dramatic events helped forge him into the man who would soon be the twenty-sixth president of the United States. Returning from the war, Roosevelt was familiar to millions of people across the country as a determined leader. As he interacted with crowds of hundreds, thousands, and even tens of thousands, Roosevelt felt their eagerness to see and hear him. Accordingly, for the first time, this whistle-stop campaign marks the development of the confidence and maturity that would transform Roosevelt into a national leader.

This biography, focused on McKinley's unusual view of protectionism, a labor-business alliance, and American exceptionalism, offers striking parallels to today as the US struggles to define its international role and to determine the best blend of free trade, protectionism, and immigration. William McKinley was the first US president to address globalization; his legacy in protectionism and immigrant labor offer lessons for the current era. He orchestrated an alliance between big business and the American worker that ushered in one of the greatest periods of growth ever known in the US economy. Yet McKinley has been in the shadow of his successor Theodore Roosevelt for over a hundred years. As Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, McKinley had forged a tariff bill in 1888 that united a nation that was still divided between North and South, East and West. His continued efforts to support free trade, protected by managed markets in the tradition of Henry Clay, and worker benefits like those provide by George Westinghouse, led to a great economic compromise. Further, with revolutionary, visionary rhetoric laden with America's economic manifest destiny he appealed to everyone from the steelworkers of Pittsburgh to the New York bankers. He articulated a uniting philosophy: Free trade in the United States is founded upon a community of equalities and reciprocities...[F]ree foreign trade admits the foreigner to equal privileges with our citizens. It invites the product of foreign cheap labor to this market in competition with the domestic, representing better paid labor [albeit with tariffs to protect that domestic product]. McKinley's vision built the industrial base of the nation. By the end of his presidency the American steel, glass, rubber, oil, machinery and electrical appliance industries dominated the world. He was one of America's most popular presidents. As his funeral train crossed the nation in 1901, factory workers and captains of industry alike stood along the rails to mourn him. Never since has such a political alliance between labor and management been forged. He was the last president to build a voting alliance between laborers, immigrant workers, and capitalists. That alliance was marred by famous labor strikes and the building of great trusts, yet he still managed to sweep the labor votes in the great industrial centers due to his belief in reciprocity and protectionism. McKinley's role as a dinner pail Republican offers insights into how America can approach today's globalization with the best interests of the home team in mind.

In the final years of the nineteenth century, as a large-scale movement of farmers and laborers swept much the country, the United States engaged in an ostensibly anti-colonial war against Spain and a colonial war of its own in the Philippines. How one related to the other-the nature of the activists' involvement in foreign policy debates and the influence of these wars upon the prospects for domestic reform-is what Nathan Jessen explores in Populism and Imperialism . American reformers at the turn of the twentieth century have long been misrepresented as accomplices of empire. Rather, as Populism and Imperialism makes clear, they were imperialism's chief opponents-and that opposition contributed to their ultimate defeat. Correcting the record, Jessen charts the fortunes of the Populists through the nineteenth century's last decade. He shows that, contrary to the standard narrative, Populists remained powerful in West after the election of 1896; they only suffered their final political reverses in 1900 after being branded as unpatriotic traitors by their opponents. In fact, the Populists and Democrats in the West favored war with Spain for humanitarian reasons; some among them led the opposition to Hawaiian annexation and-as leaders of the anti-imperialists in Congress from 1899 on-the occupation of the Philippines. Jessen also addresses the little-studied \"money power\" conspiracy theory that explains a key element of the Populist worldview. This theory, linking European imperialism and the growing economic and political power of financiers, stirred Populist opposition to American imperialism as well. Populism and Imperialism revises a critical chapter in US history and offers lessons for the present as well as insights into the nation's past.