Explore the vast range of titles available.

This book examines how urbanization and pluralization are shaping the world's cities and what can be done to encourage integration and minimize ethnic and nationalist tensions.

The Power of Ethnic Places discusses the growing visibility of ethnic heritage places in U.S. society. The book examines a spectrum of case studies of Chinese, Latino and African American communities in the U.S., disagreeing with any perceptions that the rise of ethnic enclaves and heritage places are harbingers of separatism or balkanization. Instead, the text argues that by better understanding the power and dynamics of ethnic enclaves and heritage places in our society, we as a society will be better prepared to harness the economic and cultural changes related to globalization rather than be hurt or divided by these same forces of economic and cultural restructuring. Jan Lin is emigrated from Taiwan to the U.S. in 1966. He has been teaching sociology at Occidental College since 1998. He is the author of Reconstructing Chinatown: Ethnic Enclave, Global Change (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), and The Urban Sociology Reader (London: Routledge, 2005). Table of Contents List of Figures Acknowledgements Chapter 1 Doing Ethnic History from Coast to Coast Chapter 2 Ethnic Communities and Cultural Heritage Chapter 3 Ethnicity in America from World’s Fair to World City Chapter 4 Ethnic Places, Postmodernism and Urban Change in Houston Chapter 5 Heritage, Art and Community Development in Miami’s Overtown and Little Havana Chapter 6 Removal and Renewal of Los Angeles Chinatown from the Frontier Pueblo to the Global City Chapter 7 Preservation and Cultural Heritage in New York’s Chinatown and Lower East Side and Impact of the 9/11 Disaster Chapter 8 The Death and Life of Urban Ethnic Places Bibliography Endnotes 334 \"Lin’s timely and innovative book on the politics of urban ethnic places in contemporary America provides a much needed comparative examination into the intersection of race, political economy, and activism in contemporary cities. This is a must-read and novel resource for anyone interested in critical urban studies and comparative ethnic studies.\"—Arlene Davila, Anthropology, New York University \"Drawing on rich fieldwork data and rigorous analysis, as well as insight from his own involvements in community work and teaching in world cities from coast to coast, Jan Lin convincingly argues that ethnic heritage sites offer a tool in counterbalancing urban decay and promoting neighborhood stability and sustainability. It makes an important contribution to contemporary urban sociology. \"—Min Zhou, Sociology and Asian American Studies, University of California, Los Angeles

Focusing on four medium-sized northeastern cities with strong political traditions, Electoral Politics Is Not Enough analyzes conditions under which white leaders respond to and understand minority interests. Peter F. Burns argues that conventional explanations, including the size of the minority electorate, the socioeconomic status of the citizenry, and the percentage of minority elected officials do not account for variations in white leaders' understanding of and receptiveness toward African American and Latino interests. Drawing upon interviews with more than 200 white and minority local leaders, and through analysis of local education and public safety policies, he finds that unconventional channels, namely neighborhood groups and community-based organizations, strongly influence the representation of minority interests.

Much of the literature on racial and ethnic educational inequality focuses on the contrast between black and Hispanic students in urban areas and white suburban students. This study extends the research on school segregation and racial/ethnic disparities by highlighting the importance of rural areas and regional variation. Although schools in rural America are disproportionately white, they nevertheless are like urban schools, and disadvantaged relative to suburban schools, in terms of poverty and test performance. Native Americans are most affected by rural school disadvantage. While they are a small share of students nationally, Native Americans are prominent and highly disadvantaged in rural areas, particularly in certain parts of the country. These figures suggest a strong case for including rural schools in the continuing conversations about how to deal with unfairness in public education.

Gentrification is not only an economic process based on individual desires and decisions and independent of political goals, but also a process led or assisted by governments with economic development and national goals. In this work, we study a state-led ethno-gentrification in Acre, a contested city in the north of Israel. Looking beyond the neoliberal terminology of regeneration, we argue that in contested cities gentrification is an economic development policy often intertwined with national-demographic goals. Yet, while economic and national motivations and policies may reinforce one another, they also produce tensions among policy makers, gentrifiers and local residents. ‘State-led ethno-gentrification’ presents the complexity of the relationship between neoliberalism and nationalism in a contested city. Interviews conducted in Acre with policy makers, Jewish newcomers involved in the gentrification process and Arab residents present a complex picture of goals, interests and concerns, as well as contradictions and tensions. 绅士化不仅是一个基于个人愿望和决定、独立于政治目标的经济过程，也是一个由具有经济发展和国家目标的政府所主导或助长的过程。在本文中，我们研究了以色列北部一个被争夺的城市阿克里 (Acre) 由国家主导的民族绅士化。我们超越新自由主义术语“更新”，主张被争夺的城市中发生的绅士化是一种经济发展政策，其往往与国家人口目标交织在一起。然而，虽然经济的和民族的动机和政策会相互加强，但它们也会在政策制定者、绅士化群体和当地居民之间产生紧张关系。“国家主导的民族绅士化”展现了被强烈争夺的城市中新自由主义和民族主义之间的复杂关系。在阿克里对政策制定者、参与绅士化进程的犹太新移民和阿拉伯居民进行的采访呈现了一幅交织着目标、利益和关切以及矛盾和紧张的复杂画面。

In postwar America, the path to political power for gays and lesbians led through city hall. By the late 1980s, politicians and elected officials, who had originally sought political advantage from raiding gay bars and carting their patrons off to jail, were pursuing gays and lesbians aggressively as a voting bloc-not least by campaigning in those same bars. Gays had acquired power and influence. They had clout. Tracing the gay movement's trajectory since the 1950s from the closet to the corridors of power,Queer Cloutis the first book to weave together activism and electoral politics, shifting the story from the coastal gay meccas to the nation's great inland metropolis. Timothy Stewart-Winter challenges the traditional division between the homophile and gay liberation movements, and stresses gay people's and African Americans' shared focus on police harassment. He highlights the crucial role of black civil rights activists and political leaders in offering white gays and lesbians not only a model for protest but also an opening to join an emerging liberal coalition in city hall. The book draws on diverse oral histories and archival records spanning half a century, including those of undercover vice and police red squad investigators, previously unexamined interviews by midcentury social scientists studying gay life, and newly available papers of activists, politicians, and city agencies. As the first history of gay politics in the post-Stonewall era grounded in archival research,Queer Cloutsheds new light on the politics of race, religion, and the AIDS crisis, and it shows how big-city politics paved the way for the gay movement's unprecedented successes under the nation's first African American president.

In Brazil and throughout the African diaspora, black women, especially poor black women, are rarely considered leaders of social movements let alone political theorists. But in the northeastern city of Salvador, Brazil, it is these very women who determine how urban policies are established. Focusing on the Gamboa de Baixo neighborhood in Salvador's city center,Black Women against the Land Grabexplores how black women's views on development have radicalized local communities to demand justice and social change. InBlack Women against the Land Grab, Keisha-Khan Y. Perry describes the key role of local women activists in the citywide movement for land and housing rights. She reveals the importance of geographic location for understanding the gendered aspects of urban renewal and the formation of black women-led social movements. How have black women shaped the politics of urban redevelopment, Perry asks, and what does this kind of political intervention tell us about black women's agency? Her work uncovers the ways in which political labor at the neighborhood level is central to the mass mobilization of black people against institutional racism and for citizenship rights and resources in Brazil. Highlighting the political life of black communities, specifically those in urban contexts often represented as socially pathological and politically bankrupt,Black Women against the Land Graboffers a valuable corrective to how we think about politics and about black women, particularly poor black women, as a political force.

This article shows that higher ethnolinguistic diversity is associated with a greater risk of social tensions and conflict, which, in turn, is a dispersion force lowering urbanization and the incentives to move to big cities. We construct a worldwide dataset at a fine-grained level on urban settlement patterns and ethnolinguistic population composition. For 3,540 provinces of 170 countries, we find that increased ethnolinguistic fractionalization and polarization are associated with lower urbanization and an increased role for secondary cities relative to the primate city of a province. These striking associations are quantitatively important and robust to various changes in variables and specifications. We find that democratic institutions affect the impact of ethnolinguistic diversity on urbanization patterns.

Studying Native American reservations, and their historical formation, I find that their forced integration of autonomous polities into a system of shared governance had large negative long-run consequences, even though the affected people were ethnically and linguistically homogenous. Reservations that combined multiple sub-tribal bands when they were formed are 30% poorer today, even when conditioning on prereservation political traditions. The results hold with tribe fixed effects, identifying only off within-tribe variation across reservations. I also provide estimates from an instrumental variable strategy based on historical mining rushes that led to exogenously more centralized reservations. Data on the timing of economic divergence and on contemporary political conflict suggest that the primary mechanism runs from persistent social divisions through the quality of local governance to the local economic environment.