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\"Orlando Patterson returns to Jamaica, his birthplace, to reckon with its history and culture. Locals claim to be some of the world's happiest people, and their successes in music and athletics are legendary. Yet the country remains violent and poor. In Jamaica the dilemmas of globalization and postcolonial politics are thrown into stark relief\"-- Provided by publisher.

In the anthropological literature on Jamaica, one can find scattered references to thj2e incidence of begging in urban low-income communities. However, few of these studies have sought to apprehend if begging among the urban poor in Jamaica has a specific logic of its own. I suggest that begging in Jamaican urban low-income communities should not be confused with more conventional forms of begging, but is in fact a distinct type of coping strategy of the poor. Begging in Jamaican urban low-income communities is more likely to be framed as a demand for sharing than a plea for assistance, and it can either enjoin reciprocity or lead to the creation of asymmetrical relations. Parallels are drawn with the custom of demand-sharing among indigenous Australians, and the article also investigates what sociological conditions are like in Jamaica's urban low-income communities, in order to demonstrate how these conditions have helped engender the phenomenon. Dans la littérature anthropologique sur la Jamaïque, on trouve des références éparses à l'incidence de la mendicité dans les com-munautés urbaines à faible revenu. Cependant, peu de ces études ont consacré une attention sérieuse au sujet, ou cherché à appréhender si la mendicité parmi les citadins pauvres de la Jamaïque a sa propre logique spécifique. Sur la base du travail de terrain que j'ai mené dans une communauté à faible revenu de Kingston, je suggère que la mendicité dans les communautés urbaines à faible revenu jamaïcaine ne doit pas être confondue avec des formes plus conventionnelles de mendicité. Contrairement aux formes conventionnelles de mendicité, la mendicité dans les communautés urbaines à faible revenu en Jamaïque est plus susceptible d'être une demande de partage qu'un appel à l'aide, et peut soit interdire la réciprocité, soit conduire à la création de relations asymétriques. Les parallèles sont établis selon la coutume du partage de la demande parmi les Australiens autochtones, et le article étudie également les conditions sociologiques dans les communautés urbaines à faible revenu de la Jamaïque afin de démontrer comment ces conditions ont contribué à engendrer le phénomène. En la literatura antropológica sobre Jamaica, se puede encontrar referencias dispersas a la incidencia de la mendicidad en las comunidades urbanas de bajos ingresos. Sin embargo, pocos de estos estudios han dedicado un mínimo de atención al asunto, o intentado aprehender si la mendicidad entre los pobres en las zonas urbanas en Jamaica tiene su propia lógica específica. Basándome en el trabajo de campo que realicé en una comunidad de bajos ingresos en Kingston, sugiero que la mendicidad en las comunidades urbanas jamaicanas de bajos ingresos no se debe confundir con las formas más convencionales de mendicidad, pero esta es en realidad un tipo de estrategia diferente de afrontamiento de los pobres. En contraste con las formas convencionales de mendicidad, la mendicidad en las comunidades urbanas jamaicanas de bajos ingresos tiene más posibilidad de ser enmarcada como una exigencia por compartir que como una súplicapor ayuda, y puede imponer reciprocidad o conducir a la creación de relaciones asimétricas. Se hacen comparaciones entre la costumbre del intercambio y demanda entre los indígenas australianos. El artículo también investiga cómo son las condiciones sociológicas en las comunidades urbanas de bajos ingresos de Jamaica para demostrar cómo estas condiciones han ayudado a generar el fenómeno.

Jamaica’s economic history is a story of paradoxes and potential. It has an English-speaking and a reasonably well-educated labor force, is close to the world’s largest market, the USA, and has an abundance of natural beauty, which has spurred tourism. Many of its social and governance indicators are strong, including near universal school enrollment and poverty levels below that of comparable countries. However, the Jamaican story is marked by the paradoxes of low growth in GDP and employment despite high investment and important achievements in poverty reduction. This paper attempts to explain these paradoxes and concludes that one possible explanation is that GDP has been understated. Amid these challenges, the World Bank report proposes that a ‘bandwagon’ approach to reforms may be needed to improve prospects for sustained growth, with policy actions on several important fronts including measures to avert crisis, such as continuing to strengthen social safety nets, as well as short and long term policies, such as reducing the growth of public expenditure and tackling crime. Given that policy choices are likely to be difficult, it argues that an approach based on social dialogue and consensus building is essential to create ownership for future reforms among all stakeholders.

Estimates show only 56 percent of poor households who are eligible for benefits under the Program of Advancement Through Health and Education (PATH) in Jamaica actually applied to the program. Also, application rate among urban households is approximately half the rate that exists among poor rural households. This study investigates potential reasons for the relatively low application rate. Using data compiled by the Statistical Institute of Jamaica (STATIN), we conclude that single male household heads are two to four times less likely to apply for benefits compared to households headed by females and married couples. Problems regarding information about PATH and the complexity of the application process have the greatest impact on the decision not to apply.

\"This book examines the validity of a social guarantees approach as a framework for evaluating, monitoring, and improving the design of social policy. Social guarantees are defined as sets of policy mechanisms that determine citizens' entitlements related to basic services and ensure their fulfillment on the part of the state. The social guarantee concept gives operational expression to fundamental human rights principles by providing mechanisms for awareness, participation, equity, and redress in the delivery of social policy.\" Forschungsmethode: deskriptive Studie; Fallstudie; empirisch. (Text excerpt, IAB-Doku). Contents: Andrew Norton, Estanislao Gacitua-Mario, Sophia V. Georgieva: Introduction - social policy, citizenship (1-18); and the Realization of Rights Part I - Perspectives on rights-based social policy Estanislao Gacitua-Mario, Andrew Norton: Increasing social inclusion through social guarantees (21-32); Estanislao Gacitua-Mario, Sophia V. Georgieva, Leonardo Moreno: Democratic governance and institution building for inclusive social policy - the Latin American experience (33-44); Steen Lau Jorgensen, Rodrigo Serrano-Berthet: Comprehensive social policy for inclusive and sustainable globalization (45-68); Part II - Implementing social policies with a rights-based focus: examples from the Caribbean, Latin America, and South Africa Leonardo Moreno, Mauricio Rosenblüth: Implementing Social Guarantees: The Regime of Explicit Guarantees in Health in Chile (71-109); Sibonile Khoza: The Role of the Courts in Realizing Rights to Housing and Health - The Case of South Africa (111-141); Sophia V. Georgieva, Enrique Vasquez, Gover Barja, Fernando Garda Serrano, and Ramiro Larrea Flores: Establishing Social Equity - Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru (143-174); Rachel Hannah Nadelman, Lauern Louard-Greaves, and Carol Watson Williams: Achieving Equitable and Inclusive Citizenship through Social Policy: The Cases of Jamaica and St. Kitts and Nevis (175-210); Fernando Filgueira, Sophia V. Georgieva, Sergio Lijtenstein: Moving toward Comprehensive Social Policy - The Case of Uruguay (211-229); Flavia Carbonari and Jorge E. Vargas. A Bridge to Peace through Citizenship Building: Guaranteeing Health and Education Rights in Colombia (231-257).

Violence remains one of the most critical problems of contemporary Jamaica. As part of a study of nutrition, growth, and stress, 123 children, 8- to 10-years old, from poor communities in Kingston, Jamaica, were interviewed about school, social roles and problem situations using a structured 12-item questionnaire. Almost all of the children (91%) mentioned violence or aggression in response to at least one of the interview questions. The results suggest that children under ten years old living in poor areas of Kingston are exposed to extensive violence and aggression in their everyday lives. La violencia continúa siendo uno de los problemas críticos de la Jamaica actual. Se entrevistó a 123 niños entre 8 y 10 años, de comunidades pobres en Kingston, Jamaica, acerca de la escuela, roles sociales y situaciones problemáticas, como parte de un estudio sobre nutrición, crecimiento y estrés, utilizando un cuestionario estructurado en 12 temas. Casi todos los niños (91%) mencionaron la violencia o la agresión en respuesta a por lo menos una de las preguntas en la entrevista. Los resultados sugieren que los niños por debajo de los diez años, que viven en áreas pobres de Kingston, están expuestos a la violencia extensiva y a la agresión en su vida cotidiana. La violence demeure l'un des problèmes les plus préoccupants de la Jamaïque contemporaine. Lors d'une enquête visant à étudier la nutrition, la croissance et le stress, 123 enfants, agés de 8 à 10 ans, se sont prononcés sur l'école, les rôles sociaux et les situations problématiques, grâce à un questionnaire structuré. La plupart des enfants (91%) ont mentionné la violence ou l'agression en réponse à l'une des questions, au moins, de l'entretien. Ces résultats montrent que des enfants de moins de dix ans, vivant dans des quartiers pauvres de Kingston, font face dans leur vie quotidienne, à des actes de violence et d'agression.

Some evidence is gathered that identifies and describes the extent of poverty and inequality in some Caribbean countries. Among the social indicators reflective of poverty, the data for the Caribbean countries suggest that literacy rate, life expectancy and daily caloric intake are positively correlated with the level of per capita GDP, while crude birth rate, infant mortality rate, percentage of total population not expected to survive to 40 and Human Poverty Index are negatively associated with the level of per capita GDP. Second, the fragmentary statistical data for Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago suggest that increases in per capita income tend to reduce income equality.

This study attempts to understand the politics of the urban poor in Jamaica. Beginning with what is perceived as a contradiction in Carl Stone's description of the urban poor — Stone describes them variously as being 'weak' and then as being \"insurgent and influential' — it suggests that both conclusions may be right. The poor may be weak in the sense of traditional organisation, but the nature of their political intervention transcends organisational boundaries. It then examines in outline the qualities which define the politics of the poor and suggests the channels through which resistance to domination is effected on a daily basis. Este estudio intenta comprender la politización del \"pobre urbano\" en Jamaica. Comenzando con lo que se percibe como una contradición en la descripción de los \"pobres urbanos\" por Carl Stone. Este los describe de forma variada como \"debiles\" y luego como \"insurgentes e influyentes\" y se sugiere que ambas descripciones pueden ser acertadas. El pobre puede ser débil en el sentido de organización tradicional, pero la naturaleza de su intervención política trasciende los límites organizativos. A continuación se examina en un bosquejo, las cualidades que definen la politización del pobre y sugiere los canales a través de los cuales se efectua la diaria resistencia a la dominación. Cette étude tente de comprendre la politique des pauvres des zones urbaines à la Jamaïque. Elle commence par ce qui est considéré comme étant une contradiction dans la description que fait Carl Stone des pauvres des zones urbaines. Stone les traite par moments de \"faibles\", puis \"d'insurgés et d'influents\", et suggère que les deux conclusions peuvent être justes. Les pauvres peuvent être faibles en termes d'organisation traditionnelle, mais la nature de leur intervention politique dépasse les frontières organisationnelles. Puis, elle examine également en détail les qualités qui définissent la politique des pauvres et mentionne les moyens par lesquels la resistance à la domination est assurée quotidiennement.