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In December 1950, a story was published in the Herut Daily titled \"The Levite's Concubine at Kibbutz Yagur.\" According to the story, a woman who had immigrated to Palestine arrived in Yagur, where she claimed one of her sons was a member. However, when it was found that she was not in fact the mother of a kibbutz member killed in the 1948 War as she had claimed, she was banished from Yagur. When the story of \"The Levite's Concubine at Kibbutz Yagur\" was published in the Herut Daily , Yagur members filed a civil suit and a criminal complaint. The defendants, represented by Shmuel Tamir, were eventually convicted and fined. Tamir had intended to expand the narrative of the case with an attack on the kibbutzim of the Labor-Zionists, not only for their supposed neglect of new immigrants but also for their abandonment of Irgun members during the two Saisons (\"hunting seasons\"). However, Tamir was held in check by the court, which sought to balance freedom of the press against the reputation of Kibbutz Yagur. This judicial stance, along with other factors, prevented the case from developing into a successful political trial for Tamir and Herut Daily , unlike the Kastner Affair several years later, from which Tamir emerged as a prominent defense attorney. The case contributes to our understanding of the court's position as an institute that enjoyed high public regard at the time.

Zionism was inspired as a movement--one driven by the search for a homeland for the stateless and persecuted Jewish people. Yet it trampled the rights of the Arabs in Palestine. Today it has become so controversial that it defies understanding and trumps reasoned public debate. So argues prominent British writer Jacqueline Rose, who uses her political and psychoanalytic skills in this book to take an unprecedented look at Zionism--one of the most powerful ideologies of modern times. Rose enters the inner world of the movement and asks a new set of questions. How did Zionism take shape as an identity? And why does it seem so immutable? Analyzing the messianic fervor of Zionism, she argues that it colors Israel's most profound self-image to this day. Rose also explores the message of dissidents, who, while believing themselves the true Zionists, warned at the outset against the dangers of statehood for the Jewish people. She suggests that these dissidents were prescient in their recognition of the legitimate claims of the Palestinian Arabs. In fact, she writes, their thinking holds the knowledge the Jewish state needs today in order to transform itself. In perhaps the most provocative part of her analysis, Rose proposes that the link between the Holocaust and the founding of the Jewish state, so often used to justify Israel's policies, needs to be rethought in terms of the shame felt by the first leaders of the nation toward their own European history. For anyone concerned with the conflict in Israel-Palestine, this timely book offers a unique understanding of Zionism as an unavoidable psychic and historical force.

In the view of the Israeli peace camp, the Palestinian national movement and the global anti-Zionist movement-where the tide has significantly shifted toward a one-state solution-Avnery's most controversial position is his uncompromising advocacy of a two-state solution.

Dr. John Mearsheimer, professor of political science at the University of Chicago and co-author of The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, pointed out that we are in serious trouble in the Middle East. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) monitors their voting records and steers money toward favored candidates. Former U.S. Senator James Abourezk (D-SD) called upon Congress and presidential candidates working on U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East to \"rise above greed and a thirst for power and do the right thing.\" -

2. I was never an \"adherent of the Canaanites\" and, indeed, fervently objected to most of their basic beliefs, such as their denial of the existence of Arab nations. Since 1946 I have advocated a confederation of Semitic nations, including Hebrew and Arab states. The Canaanites, by the way, were not \"a radical brand of Zionism\" but, on the contrary, violently denounced Zionism in any form. Sir, - Benjamin Disraeli once said of a fellow member of parliament that he was \"intoxicated by the exuberance of his own verbosity.\" Many Americans must be beginning to think the same of the president they elected (\"[Obama] beware: Sometimes personal magic can be tragic,\" Gil Troy, July 31). Sir, - Re Sarah Honig's \"Be a good bully\" (July 31): Prof. Alon Ben-Meir wrote in \"Israel's strategic necessity\" (daily paper, August 5): \"The United States remains indispensable to Israel's national security and is ultimately the last line of defense against any threat - including Iran's, so for Israel to appear flippant to US pressure at this juncture is a dangerous gamble. \" I think we should take heed.

\"Until recently, the international community has been successful in seducing Israel into believing that it has to trade land for peace,\" evangelical Christian activist Earl Cox wrote in an essay published last August. \"Israel still carries the Name of the Almighty God, and will one day welcome the promised Messiah to this land. But if Israel fails to adhere to God's word, it will become another America, bogged in another Vietnam, having to retreat in shame because of a lack of total commitment to eradicate the enemy.\" \"But that's not the reason to bless Israel. The reason to do it is because God commanded it,\" he told Beliefnet in an interview last year. \"Yes, we're one step closer to the end-times than we were before Israel came back into the land, because my understanding of biblical prophecy is that Israel is established in the land at the time that the events of the Second Coming take place.

In parallel, Alvin Rosenfeld, professor of English and Jewish studies at Indiana University, denounced historian Tony Judt and playwright Tony Kushner, among others, as responsible for encouraging anti-Semitism for their criticisms of Israel's continued policy of occupation. Yet, you have only to listen to some of Israel's own most authoritative dissident voices, such as that of former Israeli MP Shulamit Aloni, to hear her mourn, \"Yes, there is apartheid in Israel: through its army, the Government of Israel practises a brutal form of apartheid in the territory it occupies. Its army has turned every Palestinian village and town into a detention camp.\" (CounterPunch, January 8, 2007.) They were hardly wide of the mark. The leading non-Jewish supporters of Zionism were indeed often motivated by anti-Semitism, including Arthur Balfour, who had pioneered the Aliens Act of 1905 (which was specifically designed to keep Jews out of Britain) before later signing the Balfour Declaration encouraging the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine in 1917. Jews, he warned parliament \"remained a people apart\". Genuinely fearing that his country today poses more of a danger than a sanctuary for Jews, Israeli journalist Akiva Eldar said a few years ago: \"It is much easier to claim that the entire world is against us than to admit that the state of Israel, which arose as a refuge and a source of pride for Jews, has not only turned into a place less Jewish and less safe for its citizens, but has become a genuine source of shameful embarrassment to Jews who choose to live outside its borders.\" (Haaretz, November 3, 2003.)