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A description is presented of the characteristics of the traditional habitat in Adjukru & the present transformations that resulted from the introduction of new materials (bricks, iron) & modernization of the economy. All of the village structures were examined & each family in the village was interviewed. All 30 villages of the Adjukru were examined. The transformations of habitat translate the evolution of a homogeneous, ethnic group: the Adjukru, & reveal the varied & important resources of certain tropical forest regions. However, some problems exist because of the decrease of land-grants, due to the multiplication of building allotments. AA Tr by M. Chall.

We present cross-cultural data on the existence of a pervasive institutional and ideological complex of male supremacy in band and village sociocultural systems, and we identify warfare as the most important cause of this complex. We explain the perpetuation of warfare in band and village society and its interaction with selective female infanticide as a response to the need to regulate population growth in the absence of effective or less costly alternatives. Our hypothesis is supported by a demographic analysis of 561 local band and village populations from 112 societies.

Simple exposure to Western goods may not be a sufficient explanation of why isolated village communities increase their participation in external market economies. The degree of market participation by four native villages in central Brazil is related to the difficulty of making a living from slash-and-burn subsistence agriculture as measured by the ratio of labor input to food output.

A STUDY OF THE NATIVES LIVING IN THE NORTH SIERRA SECTION OF PUEBLA WAS MADE BASED ON THE HYPOTHESES THAT THESE CAMPESINOS ARE A DOMINATED CLASS WITHOUT THEIR OWN MEANS OF PRODUCTION & THAT THEY WERE ONCE PART OF A UNIQUE CULTURE DESTROYED BY THE INFRINGEMENT & NEEDS OF CAPITALIST GOALS. IN THE REGION UNDER STUDY, COFFEE IS THE MAJOR PRODUCT & THE CAMPESINOS ARE EXPLOITED FOR ITS PRODUCTION. EMPHASIS IS PLACED ON AN ANALYSIS OF THE SOCIAL & ECONOMIC STRUCTURES OF 6 VILLAGES IN THIS REGION. USING THE FOCUS OF MARXISM VIA DIALECTICAL MATERIALISM, THE REGIONAL SOCIAL STRUCTURE, & INDEPTH ANALYSES OF THE 6 VILLAGES ARE GIVEN. PRODUCTION, SC'S, & ECONOMIC LIFE ARE COVERED. ALTHOUGH ETHNOLOGISTS WHO ARE NOT MARXISTS MAY TAKE EXCEPTION TO THIS INTERPRETATION, ITS VALUE LIES IN THE ARTICULATION OF THE DIFFERENT COMPONENTS OF SOCIAL FORM & IT DOES NOT GET CAUGHT UP IN THE SIMPLISTIC EXPLANATIONS WHICH HAVE BEEN USED SO OFTEN IN THE PAST. B. WEISBROD.

HARJIT S. SANDHU & DONALD E. ALLEN'S CONCLUSION THAT VILLAGE CHARACTERISTICS PLAY A MORE IMPORTANT ROLE THAN INDIVIDUAL CHARACTERISTICS IN THE ADOPTION OF MODERN FARM TECHNOLOGY IN INDIA (SEE SA 22:4/74H0213), IS INVALID BECAUSE IT IS BASED ON ERRORS IN SAMPLING, MEASUREMENT, & ANALYSIS. IN SOME VILLAGES ONLY 1 R WAS INTERVIEWED. THE INDICES OF MODERNIZATION, ORGANIZATIONAL HELP, & COMMUNICATIONS CONTAIN OVERLAPPING CONTENT; ALTHOUGH THEY MAY ALSO CONTAIN SOME INDEPENDENT CONTENT, THEIR INTERCORRELATION CANNOT BE TAKEN AS PROOF THAT VILLAGE CHARACTERISTICS ARE THE PRIMARY FACTOR IN DETERMINING MODERNIZATION. A RECALCULATION OF PATH COEFFICIENTS FROM SANDHU & ALLEN'S R MATRIX USING A DIFFERENT MODEL DEMONSTRATES THAT INDIVIDUAL CHARACTERISTICS ARE ACTUALLY \"POWERFUL DETERMINANTS OF MODERNIZATION.\" THEIR INTERPRETATION IGNORES CONFLICT BETWEEN POLITICAL FACTORS, & THE FACT THAT AGENCIES DISCRIMINATE BETWEEN RICH & POOR. IN RESPONSE TO GARTRELL'S COMMENT, HARJIT S. SANDHU & DONALD E. ALLEN (OKLAHOMA STATE U, STILLWATER) DESCRIBE THE CONTENTS OF THEIR MEASUREMENTS OF VILLAGE CHARACTERISTICS & FARM MODERNIZATION. SINCE THE DEPENDENT VARIABLE WAS BASED ON A MUCH LARGER AREA OF INFORMATION THAN THE INDEPENDENT VARIABLES, THE OVERLAP WAS NEGLIGIBLE. THE PARTICULAR MODEL CHOSEN FOR ANALYSIS WAS THE BEST REPRESENTATION OF THE INTERACTION OF THE VARIABLES UNDER CONSIDERATION. 1 FIGURE. J. N. MAYER.

The village territory of Tsarahoneanana, which poses the problem of putting to use the high lands of the central region of Madagascar, is geographically described. The economy of the region rests upon the cultivation of rice, dry mountain cultivation, & the extension in altitude of cattle raising & potatoes. The village of Tsarahoeanana, whose rice-growing lands are mountainous, illustrates the difficulties encountered in each of these domains. Rice-growing is difficult, not because of the quality of the soil, which is rather good, but tecause of an insufficient mastery of water, which is aggravated by the irregularity of the rains. The potato is the most important crop of the parts of the village lands which are not flooded. Because it is extensively cultivated on hillsides without fertilizers, the rich soil is exhausted after 2 or 3 yrs, & what was originally a source of wealth for the community becomes the cause of its impoverishment. The development of cattle raising is severely limited by the lack of fodder. The cows are given food intended for human consumption. This circle of poverty pervades the interior life of the community & is responsible for migrations to the high mountain zones & to the cities of the plain. The Tsarahoneanana offer a contrast of a constricting agri'al system & a village society which is freeing itself of its traditions. M. Duke.

Intervillage systems are clusters of communities which by virtue of their systematic transactions with one another, form a larger soc unit. A technique & a theory is proposed so that intervillage systems can be studied on a world-wide basis. A methodology is outlined for developing measures for such key variables as diff'iation & solidarity from the available data of community studies with subsequent adaptation in the field. The approach involves the cooperation of investigators going to the field for other purposes in collecting the requisite data. The hyp's specify the relations between the basic variables of the theory & are org'ed re the explanation of an increase or decrease in the overall structural diff'iation of peasant communities. AA.

The article deals with the ancient forms of housing in France, mainly the subterranean houses & villages. The view of A. Blanchet that the subterranean constructions were used as shelters of refuge & only occasionally inhabited collectively, is questioned. The largest concentration of subterranean housing is found in Anjou, south of Loire & dating from the 16th cent. In the viticultural regions the caves are vast, consisting of several rooms supported by pillars. This type of habitation was used by the peasants, the bourgeoisie & the aristocracy alike. Some regions have subterranean chapels & churches. A subterranean village has been found in Picardie, with inscriptions dating from the 14th cent; it served as a place of refuge during the Spanish invasions, but has since been utilized as a regular habitation. A map shows the construction of the entire village with several exits. Another type of habitation is observed in Val Camonica, near the Italian Alps. Stone engravings, dating from 800-600 BC, show a highly developed society. The engravings show the evolution of form from a triangular roof on a stone base to a polygonal roof for better protection, with interior & exterior stairs & 2 floors. These traits are still predominant in Alpine habitations. D. Sundkvist.

When villages are studied as a network of group-level contacts, village reputation & location are 2 of a number of variables that show covariation. This particular network consisted of 22 villages located some 70 miles northeast of Mexico City, & their interrelations were studied by a key Informant technique that elicited responses relevant to the village as a whole. When asked what village their village had the most contact with, & what village was more or less 'integrated' than theirs, informants provided data for indexing contact & reputation. The village with the highest % of contact choices was the village considered to be the most integrated, which implied the best reputation, but the village considered to have the worst reputation was not lacking in contact, though it did not receive many choices. This `black sheep' village was one of the larger, more influential places in the network. It is hyp'ed that this village was formerly more closely tied into another intervillage system, & when this tie weakened, its present affiliation was not strong enough to impose an equivalent soc control. As a reaction, the village in question operated with unilateral activity that was interpreted negatively by the other villages. The actual history of the area bears out the interpretation. (See SA 1116-B3610 & -B3611). AA.