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The relationships between governments and the voluntary sector in Canada are long-standing and complex. Beginning with an historical overview of developments in voluntary sector-government relations from 1600 to 1930, High Ideals and Noble Intentions goes on to explore more recent events and to bring present day policy and practice into focus. Peter R. Elson examines critical historical events in the relationship between the federal government and the voluntary sector which continue to exert their influence. He demonstrates through in-depth case studies that these events are critical to understanding contemporary voluntary sector-government relations. Elson explores the impact of the regulation of charities based on amendments to the 1930 Income War Tax Act ; the shift from citizen-based program funding to service-based contract funding in the mid-1990s; and advocacy regulation changes in the 1980s. Elson's case is strengthened by an important and timely comparison between voluntary sector and central government relations in Canada and England. This historically informed comparative analysis provides the basis for practical recommendations meant to improve the future of voluntary sector-government relations across Canada.

A defining characteristic of contemporary welfare governance in many western countries has been a reduced role for governments in direct provision of welfare, including housing, education, health and income support. One of the unintended consequences of devolutionary trends in social welfare is the development of a ‘shadow welfare state’ (Fairbanks, 2009; Gottschalk, 2000), which is a term used to describe the complex partnerships between state-based social protection, voluntarism and marketised forms of welfare. Coupled with this development, conditional workfare schemes in countries such as the United States, Canada, the UK and Australia are pushing more people into informal and semi-formal means of poverty survival (Karger, 2005). These transformations are actively reshaping welfare subjectivities and the role of the state in urban governance. Like other countries such as the US, Canada and the UK, the fringe lending sector in Australia has experienced considerable growth over the last decade. Large numbers of people on low incomes in Australia are turning to non-mainstream financial services, such as payday lenders, for the provision of credit to make ends meet. In this paper, we argue that the use of fringe lenders by people on low incomes reveals important theoretical and practical insights into the relationship between the mixed economy of welfare and the mixed economy of credit in poverty survival.

In light of the increasing number of environmental problems necessitating government's attention and the limited scope and budget for addressing these issues, environmental protection has, and continues to evolve as more flexible approaches to regulation are being sought and embraced by governments throughout the world. Voluntary environmental programs (VEPs) are a pragmatic response by both governments and business to find a more flexible way to protect the environment. We discuss the theoretical motivations for firms to adopt VEPs in general and examine Canada's experience with three types of VEPs, public, negotiated, and unilateral agreements, to assess whether the motivating factors are present. We then argue that the institutional, political, and regulatory framework governing environmental policy in Canada does not provide the conditions necessary to effectively promote superior corporate environmental protection across jurisdictions. Despite the lack of government-directed VEPs, there has been considerable interest by both the private sector and civil society who have taken the lead by developing unilateral agreements. Using existing literature and our current research, we examine the factors that motivate firms in Canada to participate in unilateral agreements and the characteristics of firms with the higher environmental performance and suggest some policy implications.

No detailed description available for \"Public Funds, Private Provision\".

Voluntary organizations in general and charities in particular have consistently contended that government regulations and fear of contractual reprisals constrain their capacity to advocate for progressive social policies. This article focuses on the regulatory and institutional side of this equation and contends that advocacy constraints exhibited, by charities may be less attributable to limits externally imposed by the federal government than they are to limitations on the institutional structure by which charities choose to organize. The Canada Revenue Agency was chosen because it has the widest influence on what is considered permissible political activities by charities across Canada. This study explored changes across three iterations of Canada Revenue Agency regulations concerning permissible political activities and resource allocation limits by registered charities. Between the release of Information Circular 78-3 in 1978, which was viewed by the voluntary sector as punitive and restrictive, and Political Activities CPS-022 in 2003, permissible political activities have been clarified and expanded. This study goes on to analyze the institutional structure which characterized the voluntary sector and government when substantive policy dialogue developments took place across this twenty-five year period. This study concludes that the non-formal institutional structure characteristic of voluntary sector representation and reporting has influenced both the lack of legislative change and the nature and impact of sectoral advocacy. The voluntary sector in Canada would be well served by increasing its institutional structure formality and charities should work together to take full advantage of the potential new advocacy capacity available through Political Activities CPS-022. Les organismes bénévoles en général, et plus particulièrement les organismes de bienfaisance, ont toujours prétendu que les règlements gouvernementaux et la crainte de représailles contractuelles limitent leur capacité à militer pour des politiques sociales progressistes. L'article, qui s'attarde à l'aspect réglementaire et institutionnel de cette équation, avance que les contraintes liées au militantisme présentées par les organismes de bienfaisance pourraient être davantage attribuables aux limites de la structure institutionnelle sous laquelle ces organismes choisissent d'exercer leurs activités qu'aux limites imposées par le gouvernement fédéral. L'auteur a choisi de se pencher sur l'Agence du revenu du Canada parce qu'elle exerce l'influence la plus importante sur la définition des activités politiques admissibles des organismes caritatifs au Canada. L'étude a examiné les modifications apportées lors de trois présentations successives des règlements de l'Agence du revenu du Canada relativement aux activités politiques admissibles et aux limites d'allocation de ressources des organismes de bienfaisance. Entre le lancement de la Circulaire d'information 78-3 en 1978, jugée punitive et restrictive par le secteur bénévole et communautaire, et celui de l'énoncé de politique Activités politiques CPS-022 en 2003, les activités politiques admissibles ont été clarifiées et étendues. L'étude propose ensuite une analyse de la structure institutionnelle qui a caractérisé la relation entre le secteur bénévole et le gouvernement lorsque des développements importants du dialogue relatif aux politiques sont surṿenus durant cette période de 25 ans. L'auteur conclut que la structure institutionnelle informelle propre à la représentation et à la production de rapports du secteur bénévole a exercé une influence tant sur le manque de changements d'·ordre législatif que sur la nature et l'impact du militantisme de ce secteur. Le secteur bénévole du Canada bénéficierait d'une formalisation de sa structure institutionnelle, et les organismes caritatifs devraient unir leurs efforts afin de profiter au maximum des nouvelles possibilités de militantisme offertes par l'énoncé de politique Activités politiques CPS-022. Les organismes bénévoles en général, et plus particulièrement les organismes de bienfaisance, ont toujours prétendu que les règlements gouvernementaux et la crainte de représailles contractuelles limitent leur capacité à militer pour des politiques sociales progressistes. L'article, qui s'attarde à l'aspect réglementaire et institutionnel de cette équation, avance que les contraintes liées au militantisme présentées par les organismes de bienfaisance pourraient être davantage attribuables aux limites de la structure institutionnelle sous laquelle ces organismes choisissent d'exercer leurs activités qu'aux limites imposées par le gouvernement fédéral. L'auteur a choisi de se pencher sur l'Agence du revenu du Canada parce qu'elle exerce l'influence la plus importante sur la définition des activités politiques admissibles des organismes caritatifs au Canada. L'étude a examiné les modifications apportées lors de trois présentations successives des règlements de l'Agence du revenu du Canada relativement aux activités politiques admissibles et aux limites d'allocation de ressources des organismes de bienfaisance. Entre le lancement de la Circulaire d'information 78-3 en 1978, jugée punitive et restrictive par le secteur bénévole et communautaire, et celui de l'énoncé de politique Activités politiques CPS-022 en 2003, les activités politiques admissibles ont été clarifiées et étendues. L'étude propose ensuite une analyse de la structure institutionnelle qui a caractérisé la relation entre le secteur bénévole et le gouvernement lorsque des développements importants du dialogue relatif aux politiques sont surṿenus durant cette période de 25 ans. L'auteur conclut que la structure institutionnelle informelle propre à la représentation et à la production de rapports du secteur bénévole a exercé une influence tant sur le manque de changements d'·ordre législatif que sur la nature et l'impact du militantisme de ce secteur. Le secteur bénévole du Canada bénéficierait d'une formalisation de sa structure institutionnelle, et les organismes caritatifs devraient unir leurs efforts afin de profiter au maximum des nouvelles possibilités de militantisme offertes par l'énoncé de politique Activités politiques CPS-022.

Purpose - This article aims to examine the mechanisms used by municipalities to stimulate public participation and, in part, to argue that contrasts between the socio-economic make-up of central cities in the USA and Canada explain these divergent techniques. Design/methodology/approach - The article is based on a survey of planning departments measuring the types of public participation strategies used by local governments. Findings - The article's findings indicate that Canadian municipalities adopt a broader range of public participation techniques related to: voluntarism and public engagement, neighborhood and strategic planning, and e-government. In contrast, the article's findings indicate that US municipalities are more likely to promote public participation through mechanisms such as annual community meetings and referendums on public issues. Research limitations/implications - The conclusion of the article offers recommendations for expanding the scope of public participation and developing strategies that maximize citizen input in community development activities in both countries. Practical implications - The survey was conducted to identify the scope of public participation techniques used by local governments in the Niagara region. One limitation of this methodology is that it does not gauge the effectiveness of the participation techniques used by local governments or the intensity of public engagement. However, the results from this study provide future researchers with a mechanism for focusing future analysis. Originality/value - The findings can assist in identifying new directions for enhancing public participation in the USA and Canada. Adapted from the source document.