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"War of Independence"
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The Limits of Symbolic Capital: The Case of Jerusalem's Jewish Quarter Evacuees in Qatamon
During Israel's War of Independence evacuees from the Jewish Quarter in Jerusalem's Old City were resettled in the abandoned Arab neighborhood of Qatamon only to be threatened soon after with eviction and replacement by members of the civil service. Repeated attempts at collective eviction ended with most of the evacuees managing to remain in their homes and enjoy comfortable rent arrangements. This outcome has been attributed by some to the symbolic capital of the Old City refugees, the empathy they elicited from the general public and the state's decision makers in response to their harsh wartime experiences and material sacrifices. Alternately, a critical analysis would suggest that the determining factor was the authorities' unrelated desire to end what had become a drawn-out affair, combined with logistical reasons that worked in favor of the refugees. The case before us offers new insights into the role of capital, symbolic and otherwise, in the shaping of Jerusalem's physical space during the early days of Israeli statehood.
Journal Article
That Greece Might Still Be Free
When in 1821, the Greeks rose in violent revolution against the rule of the Ottoman Turks, waves of sympathy spread across Western Europe and the United States. More than a thousand volunteers set out to fight for the cause. The Philhellenes, whether they set out to recreate the Athens of Pericles, start a new crusade, or make money out of a war, all felt that Greece had unique claim on the sympathy of the world. As Lord Byron wrote, \"I dreamed that Greece might still be Free\"; and he died at Missolonghi trying to translate that dream into reality. William St Clair's meticulously researched and highly readable account of their aspirations and experiences was hailed as definitive when it was first published. Long out of print, it remains the standard account of the Philhellenic movement and essential reading for any students of the Greek War of Independence, Byron, and European Romanticism. Its relevance to more modern ethnic and religious conflicts is becoming increasingly appreciated by scholars worldwide. This revised edition includes a new introduction by Roderick Beaton, an updated bibliography and many new illustrations.
eBook
The Greek Revolution and the violent birth of nationalism
\"At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Greece was not a country-it was only a vague idea. The territories we now call Greece were part of the Ottoman Empire, though some of its islands were ruled at various points by the Venetians, the French, the Russians, and the British. The population was a mix of religious and ethnic groups including Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Catholics, and Jews, who spoke Albanian, Turkish, Vlach dialects, and numerous other varieties of Greek. But by 1830, Greece was a united, independent, and Orthodox Christian country that had made a global impact in the age of empires. In The Greek Revolution: A New History, Yanni Kotsonis tells the story of the 1821 revolution and war for Greek independence, arguing that Greece's evolution was far from inevitable. The author paints a vivid picture of how a religiously, ethnically, and linguistically mixed milieu turned violent and chaotic, and how the Enlightenment and the imperial machinations of Greece's neighbors and other European power created a movement within Greece to join \"Christian Europe.\" Over the course of the revolution, all Orthodox Christians became Greek, and all Muslims became Turks (the many languages and dialects used by both populations notwithstanding). The author brings the revolution to life through the colorful stories of figures now regarded as heroes of the revolution, from the mercenary and pirate \"Little Theodore\" Kolokotronis to the former Venetian aristocrat Giovanni Cap d'Istria. Though Greece was only a small province of the Ottoman Empire, its emergence after the Greek Revolution of 1821 led to the creation of Greek identity, gave rise to the idea of a Christian nation, and set the stage for the age of nationalism that was to come\"-- Provided by publisher.
BOOK
Who is Afraid of Khirbet Khizeh? A Microhistory of Audio-visual Anxiety
In 1978 Israeli director Ram Loevy adapted S. Yizhar's novel Khirbet Khizeh into a film made for television. The film, portrayed the story of the IDF's expulsion of the residents of an Arab village during the 1948 war, was produced by the government-funded Israel Broadcasting Authority. This article delves into the tumultuous reception of the film in Israel, employing a thorough analysis of primary historical sources. Drawing from a corpus of paratexts, including production records, petitions, op-eds, official transcripts, and personal correspondence, this study seeks to shed light on a range of voices, including those sometimes overlooked in the historiography of Israeli film and television, such as religious audiences, Mizrahim, women, and Arabs. The article contends that the public discourse on Khirbet Khizeh was characterized by audio-visual anxiety related both to the adaptation of a work of literature to an audio-visual format and to the Israeli public's fear of adopting a perspective that challenged the overarching Zionist narrative at a time of escalation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It demonstrates a discrepancy between the anxiety of the influence of the audio-visual medium and the medium's actual ability to shape the historical consciousness of spectators.
Journal Article
Bitter freedom : Ireland in a revolutionary world
\"In the tradition of Margaret MacMillan's Paris 1919 comes this groundbreaking history of the Irish Revolution. The Irish Revolution has long been mythologized in American culture, but seldom understood. For too long, the story of Irish independence and its aftermath has been told only within an Anglo-Irish context. Now, in the critically acclaimed Bitter Freedom, journalist Maurice Walsh, with 'a novelist's eye for the illuminating detail of everyday lives in extremis' (Prospect) places revolutionary Ireland in the panorama of the global disorder born of the terrible slaughter of World War I, as well as providing a kaleidoscopic portrait of the human face of the conflict. In this 'invigorating account' (Spectator), Walsh demonstrates how this national revolution, which captured worldwide attention from India to Argentina, was itself shaped by international events, political, economic, and cultural. In the era of Russian Bolshevism and American jazz, developments in Europe and America had a profound effect on Ireland. Bitter Freedom is 'the most vivid and dramatic account of this epoch to date' (Literary Review)\"--Provided by publisher.
Book
Burning the Big House
The gripping story of the tumultuous destruction of the Irish country house, spanning the revolutionary years of 1912 to 1923 During the Irish Revolution nearly three hundred country houses were burned to the ground. These \"Big Houses\" were powerful symbols of conquest, plantation, and colonial oppression, and were caught up in the struggle for independence and the conflict between the aristocracy and those demanding access to more land. Stripped of their most important artifacts, most of the houses were never rebuilt and ruins such as Summerhill stood like ghostly figures for generations to come. Terence Dooley offers a unique perspective on the Irish Revolution, exploring the struggles over land, the impact of the Great War, and why the country mansions of the landed class became such a symbolic target for republicans throughout period. Dooley details the shockingly sudden acts of occupation and destruction-including soldiers using a Rembrandt as a dart board-and evokes the exhilaration felt by the revolutionaries at seizing these grand houses and visibly overturning the established order.
eBook
Law, Order, and Empire
While much attention has focused on society, culture, and the military during the Algerian War of Independence, Law, Order, and Empire addresses a vital component of the empire that has been overlooked: policing. Samuel Kalman examines a critical component of the construction and maintenance of a racial state by settlers in Algeria from 1870 onward, in which Arabs and Berbers were subjected to an ongoing campaign of symbolic, structural, and physical violence. The French administration encouraged this construct by expropriating resources and territory, exploiting cheap labor, and monopolizing government, all through the use of force. Kalman provides a comprehensive overview of policing and crime in French Algeria, including the organizational challenges encountered by officers. Unlike the metropolitan variant, imperial policing was never a simple matter of law enforcement but instead engaged in the defense of racial hegemony and empire. Officers and gendarmes waged a constant struggle against escalating banditry, the assault and murder of settlers, and nationalist politics—anticolonial violence that rejected French rule. Thus, policing became synonymous with repression, and its brutal tactics foreshadowed the torture and murder used during the War of Independence. To understand the mechanics of empire, Kalman argues that it was the first line of defense for imperial hegemony. Law, Order, and Empire outlines not only how failings in policing were responsible for decolonization in Algeria but also how torture, massacres, and quotidian colonial violence—introduced from the very beginning of French policing in Algeria—created state-directed aggression from 1870 onward.
eBook