Explore the vast range of titles available.

Since the shooting of Black teenager Michael Brown by White police officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri, the protest hashtag #BlackLivesMatter has amplified critiques of extrajudicial killings of Black Americans. In response to #BlackLivesMatter, other Twitter users have adopted #AllLivesMatter, a counter-protest hashtag whose content argues that equal attention should be given to all lives regardless of race. Through a multi-level analysis of over 860,000 tweets, we study how these protests and counter-protests diverge by quantifying aspects of their discourse. We find that #AllLivesMatter facilitates opposition between #BlackLivesMatter and hashtags such as #PoliceLivesMatter and #BlueLivesMatter in such a way that historically echoes the tension between Black protesters and law enforcement. In addition, we show that a significant portion of #AllLivesMatter use stems from hijacking by #BlackLivesMatter advocates. Beyond simply injecting #AllLivesMatter with #BlackLivesMatter content, these hijackers use the hashtag to directly confront the counter-protest notion of \"All lives matter.\" Our findings suggest that Black Lives Matter movement was able to grow, exhibit diverse conversations, and avoid derailment on social media by making discussion of counter-protest opinions a central topic of #AllLivesMatter, rather than the movement itself.

Abstract This article examines how contact with the police led to the death of Michael Brown (an unarmed 18-year-old Black teenager from Ferguson, Missouri, who was shot and killed during an altercation with a police officer). And, how Darren Wilson (the White police officer from the Ferguson Police Department who shot and killed Michael Brown) was portrayed in mainstream newspaper articles covering the story of Brown’s death. Using both frame analysis and Hall’s framework of discursive domains for organizing and making sense of events in social life, we analyzed news coverage of Brown in three of the top circulating daily newspapers in the US: The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and The Washington Post. The Lexis Nexis database was used to retrieve a set of newspapers using the search term “Michael Brown.” Articles from the three leading newspapers were collected from the day the event occurred, August 9, 2014, through the end of the year, December 31, 2014. The news articles used in this study were mostly written with an episodic frame. The articles presenting the socioeconomic background of Brown and Wilson were described as profiles on each individual and the neighborhood they came from, rather than a discussion about where they fell on the economic structure of this country and the larger, upstream forces that might influence those positions. The feelings and attitudes of the reader are also likely to be influenced by details included in the articles and how they were presented. The findings contribute to the broader literature looking at the relationships between police and Black communities. Public health can play a role in advocating and facilitating programs that build better linkages between police and community. The public health field can take a leadership role in holding the news media accountable when they are engaging in frenetic inaction. Only by having difficult and challenging conversations that examines the upstream causes of violence and deaths like Brown’s, can we make progress in preventing them.

Narrative theory and methods are gradually finding a place in the study of crime and its control. However vibrant narrative criminology has been to this point, narrative scholars have somewhat ignored policing, both in terms of the language and grammar of individual officers and the cultural life of the institution itself. In this article, we elaborate the importance of storytelling in the (re)production of contemporary police culture and the broader police power. While storytelling as cultural production is, of course, not the sole purview of police, they are uniquely positioned to shape the broad social, cultural and political imaginaries of crime and the realities of crime control and community interactions. Therefore, in paying close attention to the narratives of police and the cultural work accomplished through storytelling, we gain insight into the production and maintenance of police authority and culture.

The intersections of racism and economic oppression in the US have worked to put African American men in a state of perpetual precarity. This multiangled and aggressive oppression has resulted in high rates of educational instability, mass incarceration, and early death among this group. As such, a segment of Black male folklife engages and addresses illegal activity and incarceration. Further, aspects of Black male folklife have been used as evidence of Black male criminality. From language practices to dress to hip hop and more, the folklife of Black men has a reciprocal relationship with crime, punishment, and physical vulnerability. This phenomenon also extends to Black men doing folklore work. In this article, I use historical and contemporary case studies as well as personal reflections to examine the complex precarity of Black male life through its relationship to folk practices. This piece will explore folklife as a tool of oppression, voice of protest and affirmation, and field of practice that illuminates the nuances of Black male subjugation. Ultimately, the purpose of this article is to provide important considerations for academic and public sector folklorists who engage with Black male folk genres and tradition bearers.

According to some studies, BWCs reduced civilian complaints against officers as well as use-of-force incidents, but causality is not established.7 This could be a result of citizens behaving differently in the presence of a BWC, officers engaging in more professional behavior, a combination of both, or something else altogether. [...]the officer may not remember later that Casey said, \"Sam hit me again,\" a critical detail that would indicate a history of domestic abuse. In Seattle, it is possible the video would have ended up on YouTube. [...]2016, the Seattle Police Department posted hundreds of redacted BWC footage to its publicly accessible YouTube account, at least in part to shoulder the burden of fulfilling records requests.14 In other states, such as North Carolina, legislators prioritized privacy. [...]discussions on the cost of hiring personnel to review, redact, and address public record requests may overshadow a broader accessibility policy debate.18 Transparency: Which Videos Are in the Public Interest Transparency is distinct from accessibility because it refers not to the ability for a single person to view a video but rather the expectation that a department will release videos deemed to be of public interest. Since the national movement to deploy body-worn cameras was initiated by advocates of police reform, fatal police-citizen incidents are widely considered germane to public interest.

There is a difference between social equality that permits Blacks to interact with Whites, to say hello on the street or create intimate relationships, or not to defer as social inferiors in line at a restaurant or in the workplace, and political equality necessary to allow for civil rights, to contribute to the making of law, and to be an active participant in the democratic polity. The dead body of Michael Brown lying in the street, the attempt by the police department to justify the killing by suggesting that he was a robbery suspect, the hostility and armed aggression of the police in response to the subsequent protests, all of these events substantiate for African Americans the lack of political progress made in the society since the 1960s. Echoing unwittingly a political description of the importance that W. E. B. DuBois placed much earlier in the last century on the idea of race as two communities in conflict, indissoluble in liberal democratic politics, Hannah Arendt states the following in an interview: \"I hope I don't shock you if I tell you that I'm not at all sure that I'm a liberal. Copyright © 2014 Utz Lars McKnight and The Johns Hopkins University Press Utz Lars McKnight Utz McKnight is Chair of the Department of Gender and Race Studies and Associate Professor of Political Science at The University of Alabama.

Recent negatively publicized police-citizen interactions in the media, followed by a subsequent de-policing of police in the United States, has been named the Ferguson Effect. The Ferguson Effect has been explored by prominent scholars in the criminal justice community; however, little is known about how police officers in small rural police agencies perceive the Ferguson Effect. The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore the perceptions and lived experiences of police officers regarding the Ferguson Effect in small rural police agencies, as well as police officers’ perceptions of their own organizational justice. Organizational justice theory was utilized as the theoretical lens for this study. Research questions focused on exploring police officers’ perceptions, attitudes, and experiences of the Ferguson Effect phenomenon and willingness to partner with the community. Purposeful sampling was utilized and semi structured interviews were conducted of nine active sworn law enforcement personnel in southcentral Virginia. Data were analyzed through in vivo coding, pattern coding, and structural analysis utilizing NVivo 11 Pro. Themes included: (a) racial division, (b) rush to judgment, and (c) steadfast leadership. Findings indicated participants demanded clear and fair policies and procedures from leadership, increased effort of transparency in policing, feelings of racial tension, and the need to regain community trust post-Ferguson.

Miller reflects on the killing of a soon-to-be college student, climate change, and the book Walden by Henry David Thoreau. Officer Darren Wilson had gunned down in a Ferguson MO street an eighteen-year-old, unarmed, black, soon-to-be college student named Michael Brown, but would not be indicted, would face no criminal charges, would never stand trial in court. Journalist Elizabeth Kolbert tried to get a handle on how man of the Earth's species would vanish in what many are now calling earths sixth extinction, a global-climate-change-driven die-off that may be on par with the asteroid-triggered event that ended the dinosaurs reign, but she couldn't get an authoritative answer from the scientific community. However, some models showed that 52 percent of the Earths species would be \"committed to extinction\" by 2050. Thoreau's Walden is a book explicitly about the way people relate to one another and their world.

In 2014, during his grand jury testimony regarding his killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, twenty-eight-year-old Officer Darren Wilson repeated this visual logic in his likening of the eighteen-yearold Brown-who was Wilson's equal in height and only eighty pounds heavier-to professional wrestler Hulk Hogan (State of Missouri v. Darren Wilson 212). Notorious for its frank racism, Preston's account has appeared occasionally in Othello scholarship, providing a title for Dympna Callaghan's book on the impersonation of all racialized and gendered others by white men on the early modern stage and excoriated by M.R. Ridley in the introduction to his Arden edition of the play.1 Preston's essay demonstrates a troubled relationship with Othello: Shakespeare's representation of blackness is too much for her, something she cannot abide, and in order to uphold the play as a masterpiece she must \"imagine\" it away. Tracking the symbolic registers of blackness across the sixteenth century (through medieval mystery plays, humanist allegorical drama, early modern science, and colonial travel writing), I argue that these shifts document the birth of a mode of white spectatorship and an attendant mode of white paranoia on the early modern English commercial stage. Poised between what Sujata Iyengar calls the \"residual mythology of color and the emergent myth of race\" (8), the performance of a black character by a nonblack actor through cosmetics literally embodies the contradictions of a dawning epistemology that binds skin color to moral or intellectual capacity and overall human worth. [...]where Preston must imagine away Othello's blackness, Shakespeare's audience would have had to imagine it into being, in that they would have to somehow connect what they saw feigned on the stage to extra-theatrical discourses on bodies and color difference.