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\"Biographical information and photos of Susan B. Anthony for children learning how to read\"-- Provided by publisher.

Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells is the inspirational autobiography of an African American civil rights leader and black feminist. Ida B. Wells, born into slavery in 1862, witnessed the Reconstruction era after the Civil War in the USA, the battle of suffrage, the World War I, and its aftermath. In her autobiography, she documents her individual struggle, her accomplishments, and her major activities in order to promote equality for women and African Americans. This autobiography provides a critical review of American racial and sexual relations. She did not simply observe the American scene, but she also transformed it as a leader in the women’s movement and the African American Civil Rights movement. The autobiography is especially important in documenting the prevalent patterns of lynching of African American men by white mobs. While protesting and writing about these horrors, Wells also fought against these illegal and violent acts. She struggled with many people to have her radical and unflinching stands represented. She had opinion differences with some of the prominent leaders including Susan B. Anthony, W E. B. Du Bois, and Booker T. Washington. She depicts these differences in her autobiography while reflecting upon her unwillingness to compromise with her stand. Thus, the present paper tries to locate the Civil Rights movement in America through female perspective. The major aim of the paper is to construct a dialogue around the autobiography of Ida. B. Wells in order to understand the role of women leaders in the Civil Rights Movement in the USA.

[...] on the \"woman question,\" Clinton's candidacy built on the gradual change that took place over two generations since 1930; she consolidated those changes into a permanent base for women presidential candidates in the future. [...] on the \"race question,\" Clinton's campaign reminds us of the historic precedent of 1869 in which white women competed with black men for the right to vote.

Meanwhile, stocks closed mixed yesterday led by gains in tech and industrial companies. The Dow did decline twenty-six points. The NASDAQ closed up eighteen, hitting a new record. The S&P 500 gained three points.

Wilkerson-Freeman examines how a growing understanding of the suppressive effects of a poll tax on southern white women voters inspired the Women's Division of the Democratic National Committee to pursue an anti-poll tax agenda at the national level and moved white women to in Alabama to launch a state anti-poll tax campaign. These women's political activism and their efforts were opposed by white male Democratic leaders.

Mildred Lewis Rutherford, the long-serving national historian of the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC), spent her life publicizing her version of the \"truth\" about the Civil War and the southern past. Case examines Rutherford's historical ideology, an ideology whose goal was to reunify North and South, while legitimizing southern culture and autonomy in matters of racial policy.

In a highly suggestive episode in Lonesome Land, [Manley Fleetwood]'s stolen cattle function as surrogates for Val, displacing onto the bodies of cattle the power Manley claims over Val's body and sexuality. Having returned to the ranch with several stolen calves, Manley orders Val to prepare the branding fire. Val, who does not yet know that Manley is a rustler, wonders why the rush, whereupon Manley snaps, \"What the devil is it to you?...I want the fire, madam, and I want it now. I rather think I know when I want to brand without asking your advice\" (240). This exchange is typical of how Manley speaks to Val at this late stage in their marriage. Having become \"hardened\" to being \"brutalized\" by Manley, Val \"did not mind very much\" (241). Immediately following this example of Manley's domination over Val, the narrative shifts to the plight of Manley's stolen calf. \"He drove a big, line-backed heifer into a corner, roped and tied her down with surprising dexterity, and turned impatiently\" to order Val around some more (241). Val responds with both obedience and sarcasm: \"`'Ere it is, sir -- thank you, sir -- ' ope I `aven't kep you wyting, sir,' she announces, after she fumes for two minutes inside the corral, and she cynically hums her way quite through the hymn which begins `Blest be the tie that binds'\" (242). This reference, which can be read ironically as referring to the bonds of marriage, reminds us of the bound heifer in the previous passage, highlighting the common plight of Val and the branded calves. As each calf is branded, Val hears, \"with an inward quiver of pity and disgust, the spasmodic blat of the calf in the pen when the VP went searing into the hide on its ribs\" (243). Here the calf's body performs a function similar to that of the African American slave woman's body in antebellum slave narratives described by [Karen Sanchez-Eppler]. The master's sexual exploitation of the slave woman registers a critique of patriarchy but enables white women to remain \"true women.\" Similarly, in this scene the power that Manley has over Val's body is displaced onto the body of the calf in order to represent a critique of patriarchy without compromising Val's role as the plucky western heroine, whose psyche, \"hardened\" to her husband's abuse, is contrasted with the calf's sensitive hide. Again, however, the abolitionist priority of expressing a common humanity across races is no longer a part of the discourse.

In the spring and summer of 1867, delegates to New York's fourth constitutional convention debated their state's policy on one of the most controversial questions of the day: whether blacks and women should be granted the same voting rights as white men. The years after the Civil War was an era of bitter and often violent disagreements about how the US could reconstitute itself economically, socially, politically, and in particular, what the relationship between the four million emancipated slaves and the nation would be.

Cohen examines the white women's suffrage movement from 1848 to 1918. He concludes that a core within the suffrage leadership practiced a nationalism based on exclusive citizenship that was conditioned on whiteness.

One way women took part in political activity during the postsuffrage 1920s was to become involved in reactionary and right-wing political movements. The participation of women in the KKK in the 1920s and 1930s is discussed.