Explore the vast range of titles available.

The following article will discuss the history of formal education in Barbados and will situate how this emphasis on the equal access to education between the sexes facilitated the emigration of Black Barbadian educators, most notably Black women, in the mid-20th century. This article argues that the emphasis on education was a deliberate and calculated initiative by the Barbadian Government to assist in the socio-economic advancement of its Black population up to the mid-20th century. The author has chosen this period to reflect the mass emigration of Black Barbadians to Canada prior to liberalization of the latter's immigration policies in the late 1960s and beyond. The article highlights that female and male Black Barbadian migrants capitalized on their educational background to circumvent and challenge racist international migration barriers. Moreover, the following will situate Black Barbadian educators in Canada in the 1950s and 1960s.

A key influence in bringing women's sexual and reproductive rights to the forefront of FIGO's agenda, [Dorothy Shaw] \"was one of the main forces behind the creation of the Study Group on Sexual and Reproductive Rights and its evolution to a formal FIGO Committee\", explains Anibal Faundes, current Chair of that committee. The committee's work led Shaw to co-author a draft of FIGO's professional code of ethics to address women's reproductive health and gender issues. \"She brought this to the FIGO World Congress (Santiago, Chile, 2003) where the code was adopted unanimously, and she is involved now in getting countries to sign on this document\", says [Lalonde]. \"It is highly significant, because it is an instrument that we at FIGO are already using to put gentle pressure on the national societies, to act in the promotion and defence of women's rights, when we are aware that they are being violated\", explains Faundes.

[...] moral therapy\" - using patient labour as a primary curative treatment for insanity - came relatively late to British Columbia as the Provincial Asylum was not officially opened until 1878 and moral therapy was not practised until nearly a decade later in 1885.4 In contrast, much of the Western world, including France, Germany, Britain, the United States, and eastern Canada, had implemented moral therapy by the end of the 1840s.5 GENDER, PLACE, AND WORK In nineteenth-century British Columbia, both the medical community and the local public believed strongly in the importance of separating insane patients by gender.6 In 1869, two middle-class sisters, both school teachers, had been deemed insane. [...] well into the twentieth century, the province had only one asylum, which went through six major construction phases, as shown in Table 1.

In 1957, when Bernice Robinson, a 41-year-old Charleston beautician, was asked to become the first teacher for the Highlander Folk School's Citizen Education program in the South Carolina Sea Islands, she was surprised, for she had neither experience as a teacher, nor a college education. These facts did not present a problem for Myles Horton, founder of the Highlander School; his main concern was that the Sea Islanders would have a teacher they could trust and who would respect them. In fact, for Horton, Robinson's profession was an asset. In his autobiography, he explained the strategic importance of using beauticians as leaders in civil rights initiatives, that the movement needed to build around black people who could stand up against white opposition, so black beauticians were very important. The author posits that the black beauty industry provides a fruitful site for exploring the social, political, and economic challenges experienced by black women throughout the twentieth century.

During most of their history, Canadian universities, institutions staffed by and serving largely middle class people, have not been hospitable to organized labour or the political left. Professors who expressed support for such causes generally found that doing so often strained the limits of academic freedom as it was understood by governing boards, administrators, a good many academics, and many people outside the institutions. If the situation has improved during the last three decades, one reason is that faculty unions have become commonplace. More important, however, may be that the outside world has come to pay less attention to what professors say, on almost any subject, than used to be the case. /// Depuis le début de leur histoire, la plupart des universités, établissements académiques canadiens dotés du personnel de la classe moyenne qui s'occupe des gens de la même classe, ne sont pas accueillants vis-à-vis de la syndicalisation ou de la gauche. Les professeurs qui se sont prononcés sur ces causes ont trouvé qu'en général, en le faisant, ils risquent de mettre en danger la liberté académique telle qu'elle est comprise par les conseils de gestion, les administrateurs, un bon nombre d'universitaires et beaucoup d'autres en dehors des établissements scolaires. Si la situation s'est améliorée au cours des trois dernières décennies, c'est parce que la syndicalisation du personnel académique est devenue plus courante. Ce qui est plus important, toutefois, c'est que peut-être le monde extérieur prête moins d'attention à ce que disent les professeurs, sur n'importe quel sujet, comme c'était le cas dans le passé.

Foster has done the historical record a service by bringing together these images and making them accessible to the public; and, although the use of the word \"pioneer\" in the title points to a lack of engagement with current scholarship in this area, Foster has tidily contextualized Mary Spencer's life.

Canada, for its part, also went through significant change as it solidified its identity (or its many identities) from a British colony, to a dominion, and to a rising middle power in international politics and in the world economy. Some well known, others less or little so, they include a half-Aboriginal son of a Hudson's Bay Company trader, who smuggled himself into Japan; missionary educators; social workers; prisoners of war during the Second World War; railway baron and Japanese art collector William Van Horne; Prime Minister Mackenzie King; and scholar-diplomat E. Herbert Norman.

[Sarah Carter] lays out the terrain in eight effective chapters. She first looks at the creation of the monogamous ideal, and how this was sustained by using techniques such as deliberately besmirching reputations, or, even worse, taking away children deemed \"illegitimate.\" Western Canada, as Carter makes clear, was to be built on monogamous, Christian marriages. With \"the arrival of white women and of Christian, British common law,\" by the end of the nineteenth century \"monogamous marriage heralded the end of an undomesticated, masculine era when white men experienced freedom, derring-do and fun, but also social turmoil, chaos, even violence. This model of marriage was to be the architecture of private lives, shaping men and women into submissive, obethent wives, and commanding, providing husbands.\" (59) As Carter ably demonstrates, missionaries, teachers, Indian agents and other government officials met several challenges in succeeding with their vision. These fundamental differences would make for significant sites of contestation and conflict especially during the 1880s when the government set out to refute the Connolly case of 1867 which ruled that mariage à la façon du pays was legitimate. By the 1880s a new environment had emerged. According to Carter, international moral panics over the white slave trade and child brides coalesced with shifting attitudes toward Aboriginal women who were historically seen as \"slaves\" but in the 1880s were beginning to be seen as too \"assertive\" and in need of proper womanhood and role modeling. These ideas were expressed at the same time as the legal profession was sorting out how to limit Aboriginal customary marriages. Carter provides a considerable discussion on this and demonstrates how despite much pressure Aboriginal marriage laws were to be respected only as long as they conformed to the monogamous model: \"divorce, remarriage, plural wives, and serial spouses were not to be tolerated.\" (190)

In order to grasp the meaning of \"craft\" during the period under discussion, Flood undertook a quantitative analysis of themes that occurred in 92 contemporaneous publications on crafts. These themes are: \"concerns about skills and traditions and their loss; the contribution of craft production to the national economy; the contribution of craft to industry through the improvement of design; the benefits of craft as an occupation; handcraft as embracing a universal, participatory community; and craftspeople's role in the establishment and constitution of a distinctive, inclusive Canadian culture;...the link between craft and rural life;...[and] the changing location of craft in relation to fine art\" (pp. 31-32). Flood's analysis shows that despite rhetoric about the universality of Canadian craft production, the majority of literature emanated from an educated, well-to-do elite centred in Montreal who were primarily interested in the picturesque \"folk arts\" of the rural Habitants (pp. 54-55). Recognizing that publications do not adequately represent the extent and scope of craft production during the period, in chapter 3 Flood turns to newspapers, magazines and agricultural exhibition prize lists for additional information. These sources proved fruitful in discovering both the variety and quantity of craft production across the nation. Flood presents her findings for various types of craft, which include textiles, woodworking, metalwork and glass, under several categories of craft production: \"Crafts for a living,\" \"The Domestic Economy [sic],\" \"Leisure activities,\" \"General craft education and therapy\" and \"Community projects.\" Flood observes that a disproportionate amount of the craft activities reported in these sources consisted of women's textile arts. Although these were undervalued in the public realm, in the domestic realm they were used to destruction. These two factors combine to explain why they rarely survive in museum collections (pp. 101-103). Chapter 5 documents the role of educational institutions in fostering the development of a class of professional craftspeople. Flood examines eight institutions that offered courses or programs in crafts within either vocational and technical, or arts and design, departments and specialized schools. Although these programs aspired to train people as professional artists to work closely with the manufacturing industries, evidence suggests that most of the graduates did not expect or intend to use the skills for a career. Nevertheless, the programs were \"flourishing in the post-war boom at mid-century,\" and many graduates became instructors and/or studio craftspeople (p. 211). Flood compiled a database of the names of Canadian studio craftspeople working during the first half of the 20th century. Where possible, she gathered biographic information on individuals whom she discusses with regard to \"Class and education,\" \"Income generation,\" \"Self-concept,\" \"Studios,\" \"Exhibitions,\" \"Associations\" and \"Canadian craft.\" The institutional milieu of studio craftspeople was \"predominantly British\" (p. 239), and their \"educational level, class and social milieu\" was close to that of craft advocates and museum curators (p. 243).