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Coolie labour was often proclaimed as a deliberate compromise straddling the regimes of the past (slave labour) and the future (free labour). In the late 1850s, the locals were replaced by labourers imported from outside the province who were designated coolies. Qualifying this framework of transition and introduction, this study makes a case for the production of coolie labour in the history of the colonial-capitalist plantations in Assam.

Drawing on approaches to class emphasising the multiplicity of labour relations at work under capitalism, and from feminist insights on oppression and social reproduction, this paper illustrates the interconnection between processes of class formation and patriarchal norms in globalised production circuits. The analysis emphasises the nexus between the commodification and exploitation of women's labour, and how it structures gendered wage differentials, labour control and the high 'disposability' of women's work. The analysis develops these arguments by exploring the case of the Indian garment industry and its gendered sweatshop regime. It illustrates how commodification and exploitation interplay in factory and home-based realms, and discusses how an approach on class premised on social reproduction changes the social perimeters of what we understand as labour 'unfreedom' and labour struggles.

Policies of economic liberalisation have been accompanied by discourses on the rise of the new middle class in India. The newness of this Indian middle class is marked by changing consumption practices and lifestyles. The visibility of the urban middle classes sets into motion a politics of forgetting with regard to social groups that are marginalised by India's policies of liberalisation. The politics of forgetting refers to a political-discursive process in which specific marginalised social groups are rendered invisible within the dominant national political culture. Such dynamics unfold through the spatial reconfiguration of class inequalities. Both middle-class groups and the state engage in a politics of forgetting that displaces the poor and working classes from such spaces. The result is the production of an exclusionary form of cultural citizenship which is, in turn, contested by these marginalised socioeconomic groups. The article draws on original qualitative field research conducted in Mumbai (Bombay).

What makes a multimillion-dollar, transnational intimate industry possible when most people see it as exploitative? Using the newly emergent case of commercial surrogacy in India, this article extends the literature on stratified reproduction and intimate industries by examining how surrogacy persists and thrives despite its common portrayal as the \"rent-a-womb industry\" and \"baby factory.\" Using interview data with eight infertility specialists, 20 intended parents, and 70 Indian surrogate mothers, as well as blogs and media stories, we demonstrate how market actors justify their pursuits through narrating moral frames of compassion and altruism that are not incidental but systematic to and constitutive of transnational surrogacy. We observed two predominant moral frames: (I) surrogacy liberates and empowers Indian women from patriarchal control; and (2) surrogacy furthers reproductive rights. Within these frames, the market exchange of money for babies is cast as compassion, which allows commissioning clients to sidestep accusations of racism, classism, and sexism. Yet, we reveal that the ability to navigate around these threats relies on racist, classist, and sexist tropes about Third World working-class women. Further, we find that surrogate mothers did not experience significant changes in economic status after surrogacy.

As author of the hugely influential The Economic History of India 1857-1947 , Tirthankar Roy has established himself as the leading contemporary economic historian of India. Here, Roy turns his attention to labour and livelihood and the nature of economic change in the Subcontinent. This book covers: economic history of modern India rural labour labour-intensive industrialization women and industrialization. Challenging the prevailing wisdom on Indian economic growth - that it is bound up with Marxian, postcolonial class analysis - Roy formulates a new view. Commercialization, surplus labour and uncertainty are seen as equally important and the end result reconciles the increasingly opposed view of economists and historians. 1. Introduction 2. Economic History of Modern India 3. Economic History of Modern India: Defining the Link 4. Rural Labour and 'De-Peasantization' 5. Rural Labour: Lessons of Wage Data 6. Was there an Industrial Decline in the early Nineteenth Century? 7. Labour-Intensive Industrialization 8. Women and Industrialization 9. Conclusion

This essay focuses on the core of ethnographic research—participant observation—to argue that it is a potentially revolutionary praxis because it forces us to question our theoretical presuppositions about the world, produce knowledge that is new, was confined to the margins, or was silenced. It is argued that participant observation is not merely a method of anthropology but is a form of production of knowledge through being and action; it is praxis, the process by which theory is dialectically produced and realized in action. Four core aspects of participation observation are discussed as long duration (long-term engagement), revealing social relations of a group of people (understanding a group of people and their social processes), holism (studying all aspects of social life, marking its fundamental democracy), and the dialectical relationship between intimacy and estrangement (befriending strangers). Though the risks and limits of participant observation are outlined, as are the tensions between activism and anthropology, it is argued that engaging in participant observation is a profoundly political act, one that can enable us to challenge hegemonic conceptions of the world, challenge authority, and better act in the world.

Research confirms the negative relationship between early marriage and mothers' and children's health outcomes. This is why studies of the changes in age at marriage are an important task from the point of view of the health status and well-being of a mother and her offspring, especially in groups represented by extremely disadvantaged social strata in India. The results of such studies may influence the future family planning policy in the country. This study aims to investigate the trend of age at marriage among the Scheduled Castes (SCs) women from two Indian states: Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh relative to the level of education and also to socioeconomic changes in the states. These states manifest the highest proportion of girls getting married below the age of 18 years-far above the proportion observed in entire India. Women from Scheduled Caste, N = 1,612, aged 25-65, born in 1950-1990 were investigated. A modern semiparametric regression approach was used. To capture the relationship between age at marriage and year of birth, categories of women's level of education (illiterate; primary: 1st-5th standards; middle school: 6th-8th standards; high school: 9th-10th standards; higher secondary: 11th-12th standards), and categories of the profession (women working in the agricultural sector or the non-agricultural sector), flexible framework of the Generalized Additive Model (GAM) was applied. A significant impact of the cohort defined by the year of birth (<0.001), and women's education (<0.001) on age at marriage was noted, while the influence of women's occupation was not significant (p = 0.642). Mean age at marriage differed significantly with different education level. Women who graduated from primary school married 0.631 years later on average than illiterate ones, while those who graduated from middle schools, high schools (9th-10th standards) and higher secondary schools married significantly later than illiterate ones by 1.454 years and 2.463 years, respectively. Age at marriage increased over time: from slightly above 15 years in the cohort of illiterate women born in 1950 to almost 19 years in quite well-educated women born in 1990. The average age at marriage estimated for four education levels in 1990 ranged between 16.39 years (95%CI: 15.29-17.50) in the group of illiterate women and 18.86 years (95%CI: 17.76-19.95) in women graduated from high and higher secondary schools. The rise of age at marriage can be partly explained by the increase of females enrolled in schools, the alleviation of poverty, and the implementation of social programs for women.

Through ethnographic contact with the working lives of male autorickshaw drivers in contemporary Kolkata, India, this article unravels the gendered politics of co-presence in shared movement systems in the city. In doing so, it makes a feminist intervention in the literature on urban infrastructures by revealing precisely how ideas of masculinity operate as an invisible structuring principle of everyday mobility. The discussion foregrounds conflict, cooperation and disappointment as the key experiential axes along which male transport workers inhabit infrastructural space in the city. It argues that urban infrastructures are experienced by working-class men as a reminder of their struggle to accomplish the norm of respectable breadwinner masculinity, even as they function as a terrain which allows other expressions of masculinity – such as risk-taking, mastery over space, camaraderie – to be enacted and affirmed. Using a micro-sociological approach to understanding interactions in the spaces of commuting, this article brings into view the interface between cultures of masculinity and the social life of transport infrastructures through which gendered spatial inequalities are lived in the city. 通过与印度加尔各答当代男性机动三轮车驾驶员工作生活的人类学接触，本文揭示了城市共享出行系统中共存的性别政治。藉此，本文对城市基础设施的文献进行了女权主义干预，而方法则是准确地揭示男性观念如何作为日常出行的一种无形的结构原则起作用。该讨论将冲突、合作和失望作为男性交通工作者居住在城市基础设施空间的主要体验轴心。本文认为，工人阶级男性对城市基础设施的经历提醒他们，努力实现体面的养家糊口便是男子气概的规范，这包括它们作为一个台阶，使男性其他类型的男子气概（如冒险、对空间的掌控、同志情谊）的表现得到实现和肯定。本文采用微观社会学的方法来理解通勤空间中的互动关系，探讨男性文化与交通基础设施社会生活之间的交互，通过这种交互，城市中存在着性别化的空间不平等。

Expanding urban populations are inducing development at the edges of Indian cities, given the constraints on land use intensification within municipal boundaries. Existing peripheral towns are becoming anchors for this new growth, creating urban agglomerations. Such areas have become preferred home locations for the working poor and emergent middle class, groups that are often priced out of the urban housing market. However, many such exurban locations lack infrastructure such as durable paved roads and transit, because investments are largely clustered within municipal boundaries. This paper focuses on the Greater Mumbai Region and relies on a cross-sectional household travel survey data set. The objective is to understand how vehicle use is linked to the built environment and socio-economics. Spatial analysis shows that cars are used in urban centres while scooters and motorcycles are used in the exurbs. Estimated censored regression models show that greater household distance from the main employment centre Nariman Point, better job accessibility and improved socio-economic factors increase vehicle use, while land use diversity and density bring down vehicle use. A key econometric result is that after controlling for location, land use, infrastructure supply and socio-economics, the expectation of a motorised two-wheeler or car in a household does not translate to its use. Overall, the findings suggest that policies encouraging higher land use diversity, density and transit supply have the potential to marginally decrease vehicle use in the Indian metropolis. However, future research needs to focus on residential location to better understand how the choices of where to live and how to travel are interconnected.

This paper studies the process of urban development and expansion by using a theoretical lens of conceptualisation of waste. Applying from the literature on the political economy of land as a resource, urban planning and labour geography, I analyse the ways in which transformation of the value of land from ‘waste’ to ‘use’ or vice versa; as conceived by state agencies and planners; have implications on human lives, particularly working-class. The paper deals with the qualitative question(s) of how the planning policies transform urban landscapes by imagining the potential of space and in turn marginalises people, hence creating a huge pool of labour reserve to achieve greater surplus accumulation. In such conditions, I show that how this marginalised section, particularly working class, built their living environment. The research further reflects upon the labouring practices in the peripheral town of Delhi metropolis, which is largely built by gentrification of labour from the core of the city. The exploratory study is ethnographically inspired and deploys qualitative methods such as in-depth interviews and Focussed Group Discussions to capture nuances of the field.