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The theoretical and practical understanding of cognitive development depends on working memory, the limited information temporarily accessible for such daily activities as language processing and problem solving. In this article, I assess many possible reasons that working memory performance improves with development. A first glance at the literature leads to the weird impression that working memory capacity reaches adult levels during infancy but then regresses during childhood. In place of that unlikely explanation, I consider how infant studies may lead to overestimates of capacity if one neglects supports that the tasks provide, compared with adult-level tasks. Further development of working memory during the school years is also considered. Many investigators have come to suspect that working memory capacity may be constant after infancy because of various factors such as developmental increases in knowledge, filtering out of irrelevant distractions, encoding and rehearsal strategies, and pattern formation. With each of these factors controlled, though, working memory still improves during the school years. Suggestions are made for research to bridge the gap between infant and child developmental research, to understand the focus and control of attention in working memory and how these skills develop, and to pinpoint the nature of capacity and its development from infancy forward.

Working memory (WM) reflects the transient maintenance of information in the absence of external input, which can be attained via multiple senses separately or simultaneously. Pertaining to WM, the prevailing literature suggests the dominance of vision over other sensory systems. However, this imbalance may be stemming from challenges in finding comparable stimuli across modalities. Here, we addressed this problem by using a balanced multisensory retro-cue WM design, which employed combinations of auditory (ripple sounds) and visuospatial (Gabor patches) patterns, adjusted relative to each participant’s discrimination ability. In three separate experiments, the participant was asked to determine whether the (retro-cued) auditory and/or visual items maintained in WM matched or mismatched the subsequent probe stimulus. In Experiment 1, all stimuli were audiovisual, and the probes were either fully mismatching, only partially mismatching, or fully matching the memorized item. Experiment 2 was otherwise the same as Experiment 1, but the probes were unimodal. In Experiment 3, the participant was cued to maintain only the auditory or visual aspect of an audiovisual item pair. In Experiments 1 and 3, the participant’s matching performance was significantly more accurate for the auditory than visual attributes of probes. When the perceptual and task demands are bimodally equated, auditory attributes can be matched to multisensory items in WM at least as accurately as, if not more precisely than, their visual counterparts.

Humans make frequent movements of the eyes (saccades) to explore the visual environment. Here, we argue that visuospatial working memory (VSWM) is a fundamental component of the eye movement system. Memory representations in VSWM are functionally integrated at all stages of orienting: (a) selection of the target; (b) maintenance of visual features across the saccade; (c) the computation of object correspondence after the saccade, supporting the experience of perceptual continuity; and (d) the correction of gaze when the eyes fail to land on the intended object. VSWM is finely tuned to meet the challenges of active vision.

There is consistent debate over whether capacity in working memory (WM) is subject to an item limit, or whether an unlimited number of items can be held in this online memory system. The item limit hypothesis clearly predicts guessing responses when capacity is exceeded, and proponents of this view have highlighted evidence for guessing in visual working memory tasks. Nevertheless, various models that deny item limits can explain the same empirical patterns by asserting extremely low fidelity representations that cannot be distinguished from guesses. To address this ambiguity, we employed a task for which guess responses elicited a qualitatively distinct pattern from low fidelity memories. Inspired by work from Rouder et al. ( 2014 ), we employed an orientation WM task that required subjects to recall the precise orientation of each of six memoranda presented 1 s earlier. The orientation stimuli were created by rotating the position of a “clock hand” inside a circular region that was demarcated by four colored quadrants. Critically, when observers guess with these stimuli, the distribution of responses is biased towards the center of these quadrants, creating a “banded” pattern that cannot be explained by a low precision memory. We confirmed the presence of this guessing pattern using formal model comparisons, and we show that the prevalence of this pattern matches observers’ own reports of when they thought they were guessing. Thus, these findings provide further evidence for guessing behaviors predicted by item limit models of WM capacity.

Given that the ability to attend to a task without distraction underlies performance in a wide variety of contexts, training one's ability to stay on task should result in a similarly broad enhancement of performance. In a randomized controlled investigation, we examined whether a 2-week mindfulness-training course would decrease mind wandering and improve cognitive performance. Mindfulness training improved both GRE reading-comprehension scores and working memory capacity while simultaneously reducing the occurrence of distracting thoughts during completion of the GRE and the measure of working memory. Improvements in performance following mindfulness training were mediated by reduced mind wandering among participants who were prone to distraction at pretesting. Our results suggest that cultivating mindfulness is an effective and efficient technique for improving cognitive function, with wide-reaching consequences.

Working memory storage capacity is important because cognitive tasks can be completed only with sufficient ability to hold information as it is processed. The ability to repeat information depends on task demands but can be distinguished from a more constant, underlying mechanism: a central memory store limited to 3 to 5 meaningful items for young adults. I discuss why this central limit is important, how it can be observed, how it differs among individuals, and why it may exist.

The majority of research on visual memory has taken a compartmentalized approach, focusing exclusively on memory over shorter or longer durations, that is, visual working memory (VWM) or visual episodic long-term memory (VLTM), respectively. This tutorial provides a review spanning the two areas, with readers in mind who may only be familiar with one or the other. The review is divided into six sections. It starts by distinguishing VWM and VLTM from one another, in terms of how they are generally defined and their relative functions. This is followed by a review of the major theories and methods guiding VLTM and VWM research. The final section is devoted toward identifying points of overlap and distinction across the two literatures to provide a synthesis that will inform future research in both fields. By more intimately relating methods and theories from VWM and VLTM to one another, new advances can be made that may shed light on the kinds of representational content and structure supporting human visual memory.

Studies using a relatedness judgement task have found differences between prime-target word pairs that vary in the degree of semantic relatedness. However, the influence of working memory load on semantic processing in this task and the role of the type of working memory task have not yet been investigated. The present study therefore investigated for the first time the effect of working memory load (low vs. high) and working memory type (verbal vs. spatial) on semantic relatedness judgements. Semantically strongly related (e.g., hip – KNEE ), weakly related (e.g., muscle – KNEE ) and unrelated (e.g., office – KNEE ) Polish word pairs were presented in an experiment involving a dual working memory and semantic relatedness task. The data revealed that, relative to semantically unrelated word pairs, responses were faster for strongly related pairs but slower for weakly related pairs. Importantly, the verbal working memory task decreased facilitation for strongly related pairs and increased inhibition for weakly related pairs relative to the spatial working memory task. Furthermore, working memory load impacted only weakly related pairs in the verbal but not in the spatial working memory task. These results show that working memory type and load influence semantic relatedness judgements, but the direction and size of the impact depend on the strength of semantic relations.

Initially inspired by the Atkinson and Shiffrin model, researchers have spent a half century investigating whether actively maintaining an item in working memory (WM) leads to improved subsequent long-term memory (LTM). Empirical results have been inconsistent, and thus the answer to the question remains unclear. We present evidence from 13 new experiments as well as a meta-analysis of 61 published experiments. Both the new experiments and meta-analysis show clear evidence that increased WM maintenance of a stimulus leads to superior recognition for that stimulus in subsequent LTM tests. This effect appears robust across a variety of experimental design parameters, suggesting that the variability in prior results in the literature is probably due to low power and random chance. The results support theories on which there is a close link between WM and LTM mechanisms, while challenging claims that this relationship is specific to verbal memory and evolved to support language acquisition.