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Purpose - This study aims to analyze the impact of Arab Revolution on the Arabian Gulf security by applying on Yemeni Revolution. This can be achieved by analyzing the threat of Arab Spring Revolutions to the national security of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries after the breakout of demonstrations and protests in some of the member states. In addition to its analysis of threat of the Regional Security of the Gulf as a result of Yemeni Revolution and Civil War and Iranian intervention to support Houthis within light of regional anarchy and security competition according to the Neorealism and how the GCC Countries facesuch threats. Design/methodology/approach - The study depended on the historical methodology to track the developments of some events related to the Gulf Security and crisis in Yemen. Moreover, it used the analytical approach to analyze the impact of Arab Revolutions and Yemeni Civil War on the Arab Gulf Security. In addition, it depended on the realistic approach to explain the security state at the national and regional level of the Arab Gulf countries within light of regional anarchy, security competition and Iranian support to Houthis \"Non-State Actors\" (KennethWaltz), as well as the offensive realism (John Mearsheimer). Findings - The Arab Revolutions had an effect on the national security of GCC countries according to the Neorealism due to the breakout of demonstrations and protests in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Sultanate of Oman which reached to the degree of threatening the existence of the state as in Bahrain.The Gulf Regional Security is influenced by Revolution and Civil War in Yemen as a result of that Iranian support to Houthis within light of security competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia, leading to the threat of the Arabian Gulf Security as Yemen is the southern gate to the GCC Countries and having joint borders with Saudi Arabia and Sultanate of Oman. Moreover, the GCC countries dealt with that threat individually, such as, performing internal reforms, or collectively through using military force, such as Bahrain and Yemen (Offensive Realism). Originality/value - This study is an introduction to explain the Arab Spring Revolutions, conflict in Yemen and its threat to the Arab Gulf Security according to the Neorealism based on that the GCC countries sought to keep its existence and sovereignty in confrontation to the demonstrations and internal protests and to keep the regional security in confrontation to the threats of neighboring countries such as the Civil War in Yemen and the Iranian Support to Houthis in light of the regional anarchy.

Nasser's Gambledraws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as \"my Vietnam.\" Jesse Ferris argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi-Egyptian struggle over Yemen, Ferris demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the \"Arab Cold War\" set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative,Nasser's Gamblebrings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.

La sociología de la revolución ha producido un corpus de conocimiento prodigioso, no obstante, aún es escasa la atención que se presta al análisis de género de los movimientos revolucionarios y de la formación de nuevos estados. El presente artículo pretende responder a este déficit, y visibilizar las dinámicas de género en la revolución yemení de 2011 y, en particular, prestar atención al significado de la participación de las mujeres. La pregunta central de esta investigación es: ¿qué diferencias y similitudes se han dado en la participación de las mujeres y de los hombres en la revolución yemení, y por qué? Tratando de responder a esta cuestión se argumenta que la lucha de las mujeres ha tenido una dimensión añadida y su objetivo ha sido de un doble alcance. Por un lado, sus demandas eran las mismas que las de los hombres, y se correspondían con las prioridades de la revolución, es decir, con el desmantelamiento del régimen y con las reformas del sistema político-social. Y, por otro lado, dadas sus experiencias específicas de opresión, las mujeres se han visto obligadas a responder contra la violencia y la discriminación de género. En consecuencia, su lucha ha implicado la articulación de unas aspiraciones emancipadoras y las demandas de mayores cuotas de derechos y de autonomía. The sociology of revolution has produced a prodigious body of knowledge. Nonetheless, there is still little attention paid to the gender analysis of revolutionary movements and of the building of new states. The present paper attempts to bridge this gap by portraying gender dynamics in the 2011 Yemeni revolution, in particular, by focussing on the significance of the involvement of women. The main research question is: what similarities and differences have been observed between women’s and men’s engagement within the Yemeni Revolution? And why? Answering these questions, it is argued that the women’s struggle has had an additional dimension, and aimed at a double goal. On the one hand, their demands were the same as those of men, which are also consistent with the goals of the revolution, i.e. overcoming the regime and carrying out social and political reforms. On the other hand, given their specific experiences of oppression, women felt themselves obligated to respond to gender-based violence and discrimination. As a consequence, their struggles have involved the articulation of emancipatory aspirations and demands for more rights and freedoms.

Three decades after Ali Abdullah Saleh rose to the presidency, the people of Yemen face a daunting set of economic, security and ecological disasters. Yemen's 24 million people are spread over roughly 135,000 villages and communities, from the eastern plateau to the coastal plains, the desert region and the northern highlands. The country is the eleventh-most food-insecure in the world and has one of the highest malnutrition rates. Unemployment is staggeringly high, estimated at 40 percent; the infrastructure is decrepit; and an estimated 43 percent of its rapidly growing population live below the poverty line. On the other hand, Yemen's oil reserves, which provide over 75 percent of government revenue, are expected to run out within a decade in the absence of new discoveries. In 2003, for example, Yemen produced about 450,000 barrels per day; in 2009, however, this fell to 180,000 per day. As a result of the dominance of the oil sector in Yemen's fragile economy, the sharp decline of oil revenue and continued large energy subsidies have created a strong negative impact on public finances and the balance of payments. This has contributed to a record fiscal deficit of about 10 percent of GDP, placing the balance of payments under considerable strain. Adapted from the source document.

An understanding of the recent violence in Yemen's northern province of Saada has proven elusive, even to those with a solid grasp of the complex circumstances underlying events in the region. A full media blackout and heavy propaganda from both sides make it difficult to separate fact from fiction. The official narrative of the conflict may be roughly summarized as follows. A small group of religious extremists in Saada, initially inspired by former member of parliament Husayn al-Huthi, took up arms against the Yemeni government in an attempt to seize by force a share of power greater than that which democratic means would yield. The group turned for help to sympathetic foreign Shia parties, specifically Iran and Hezbollah, and engaged in illegal measures and destructive guerrilla tactics against the armed forces in its attempt to restore the Yemeni imamate that was overthrown in 1962. The counternarrative provided by the Huthis and their sympathizers highlights government repression of their traditional religious practices and explains the rebellion as an attempt to preserve these rights and defend against the state's military heavy-handedness. Given the complexities of the conflict in Saada, efforts to properly summarize it are often lacking in important details. What follows is an attempt to provide a concise picture that highlights some of the conflict's main issues. It begins with a brief overview of the conflict and some background on Saada province, Zaydism in Yemen, and the al-Huthi family. The paper then turns to the historical factors that led to the initial clashes in 2004, emphasizing the rise of the Zaydi revivalist movement that became \"the Huthis.\" The longest section is devoted to examining the official narrative of the conflict and providing additional factors that may help explain the persistence and growth of violence in its most recent iteration. Adapted from the source document.

This Article proposes that the international community should actively use recognition policy as a novel way of dealing with repressive regimes in the international system. Specifically, states and international organizations should consider the derecognition of dictatorial regimes that face mass non-violent opposition from their population and that choose to meet this opposition with violence rather than reform. Such a program is justified by the illegality of the regimes in question and is predicated on the principle that non-violent, diplomatic intervention-and even regime change-is preferable to full-scale military intervention in dealing with such situations, particularly as a first step. Derecognition is advanced as a non-violent approach to intervention, a concept which could incentivize peaceful domestic resistance as opposed to violence and potential civil war. The subject is particularly relevant given events in the Middle East since 2011 and the various attempts by dictatorial regimes to violently suppress popular revolution in, most notably, Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Yemen, and Syria. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

In Yemen, behind the violence and Change Square demonstrators lies a profound story of a generation of young people on the brink of starvation -- their lives all but unchronicled by an outside world consumed by the violence of the president and his allies. The country's slide into the abyss has its roots in politics as well as in poverty. Here, Steil explores the sad underbelly of the Yemeni revolution. Adapted from the source document.