Explore the vast range of titles available.

Recent right-wing extremist terrorists were active in online fringe communities connected to the alt-right movement. Although these are commonly considered as distinctly hateful, racist, and misogynistic, the prevalence of hate speech in these communities has not been comprehensively investigated yet, particularly regarding more implicit and covert forms of hate. This study exploratively investigates the extent, nature, and clusters of different forms of hate speech in political fringe communities on Reddit, 4chan, and 8chan. To do so, a manual quantitative content analysis of user comments (N = 6,000) was combined with an automated topic modeling approach. The findings of the study not only show that hate is prevalent in all three communities (24% of comments contained explicit or implicit hate speech), but also provide insights into common types of hate speech expression, targets, and differences between the studied communities.

In the past decade, people associated with what is known as the alt-right have employed a strategy similar to that of progressive, antiracist satirists to advance a decidedly white supremacist, anti-Semitic, misogynist, and deadly serious agenda. As this article documents, the alt-right weaponizes irony to attract and radicalize potential supporters, challenge progressive ideologies and institutions, redpill normies, and create a toxic counterpublic. Discussing examples of satiric irony generated by the extreme right alongside those produced by the (often mainstream) left, this article pairs two satirical memes, two activists’ use of irony, two ambiguously satirical tweets, and two recent controversies pertaining to racism and satire so as to illustrate how people with very different political commitments employ a similar style with potent effects. Of particular significance are reverse racism discourses, including “white genocide,” and the increasingly complicated relationship between intentions, extremism, and satire.

This paper distinguishes between several key features of transformative alternative left media and regressive alt-right media. In the exploration of alt-right media tactics, we map eight cooptation strategies by the alt-right that we categorise into three forms: (1) ideological discursive appropriation; (2) reversal capture; and (3) commodity cooptation. We contrast these strategies with transformative alt-left media practices rooted in intersectional justice and social movements, showing how offline organising, collective care, and fact-based storytelling protect movements from toxic disinformation. This work is vital to spot and disrupt alt-right appropriation and infiltration, fortify intersectional, truth-driven media, and mobilise authentic grassroots power. We argue for the enduring significance of offline organisation in transformative intersectional alternative media practices, where supporting strong relationships potentiates community building, deep affective labour, and positive social transformation.Acknowledgement: This article has been previously published in German by Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen in 2025 as „Transformative Medien: Alternative Medien rutschen von links nach rechts”, https://doi.org/10.1515/fjsb-2025-2006. The original English version is here published with permission by Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen.The Media Action Research Group is supported in part by funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

The 2016 U.S. presidential election coincided with the rise of the “alternative right,” or alt-right. Alt-right associates have wielded considerable influence on the current administration and on social discourse, but the movement’s loose organizational structure has led to disparate portrayals of its members’ psychology and made it difficult to decipher its aims and reach. To systematically explore the alt-right’s psychology, we recruited two U.S. samples: An exploratory sample through Amazon’s Mechanical Turk (N = 827, alt-right n = 447) and a larger, nationally representative sample through the National Opinion Research Center’s Amerispeak panel (N = 1,283, alt-right n = 71–160, depending on the definition). We estimate that 6% of the U.S. population and 10% of Trump voters identify as alt-right. Alt-right adherents reported a psychological profile more reflective of the desire for group-based dominance than economic anxiety. Although both the alt-right and non-alt-right Trump voters differed substantially from non-alt-right, non-Trump voters, the alt-right and Trump voters were quite similar, differing mainly in the alt-right’s especially high enthusiasm for Trump, suspicion of mainstream media, trust in alternative media, and desire for collective action on behalf of Whites. We argue for renewed consideration of overt forms of bias in contemporary intergroup research.

What does the New Right want from international relations? In this article, we argue that the philosophy of the New Right is not reducible to a negation of internationalism. The New Right coalesce around a conceptualisation of the international driven by analytics and critiques of specific subjects, norms and practices, that should be treated as a distinct international theoretical offering. We refer to this vision as Reactionary Internationalism. This article examines and locates this vision within the intellectual history of nationalism and internationalism by drawing on poststructuralist approaches to intellectual history and drawing evidence from a discourse analysis of recent Lega, Front National, Brexit, and Trump campaigns. We find that, rather than advocating for the end of internationalism, the New Right seeks to reconstitute its normative architecture on the basis of inequality among identities. This entails dismantling liberal economic and rights-based norms and reframing them around transactionalism and power grounded on identity. Reactionary Internationalism emerges as a distinct philosophy that identifies a hegemonic normative bind and advocates its unravelling so as to liberate subjects understood as defined by their birth-cultural identity.

BackgroundThe term “weaponized autism” is frequently used on extremist platforms. To better understand this, we conducted a discourse analysis of posts on Gab, an alt-right social media platform.MethodsWe analyzed 711 posts spanning 2018–2019 and filtered for variations on the term “weaponized autism”.ResultsThis term is used mainly by non-autistic Gab users. It refers to exploitation of perceived talents and vulnerabilities of “Weaponized autists”, described as all-powerful masters-of-technology who are devoid of social skills.ConclusionsThe term “weaponized autism” is simultaneously glorified and derogatory. For some autistic people, the partial acceptance offered within this community may be preferable to lack of acceptance offered in society, which speaks to improving societal acceptance as a prevention effort.

This essay explores what the “alt-right” (White ethnonationalist, fascist, misogynistic, and anti-intellectual communities) means for social media researchers in terms of research ethics, risk, and visibility. First, it outlines how #Gamergate and #OperationDiggingDiGRA indicated that academic researchers could be targets of their hostility. This essay then draws on the work of Foucault and Mulvey to theorize how far-right groups have a kind of “gaze.” Then, it discusses how far-right extremism requires rethinking ethical questions around researchers and participants. Finally, some thoughts are offered as to what this means for how individuals, organizations, disciplines, and institutions can support research into these spaces.

This article looks at two periods in the history of white supremacy in New Zealand: the short-lived explosion of skinhead groups in the 1990s, and the contemporary rise of the internet-driven alt-right. It looks at the similarities and differences between the two groups, looking at style, symbols, ideology, and behaviour. It looks at the history of these two movements in New Zealand and compares the economic and social factors that contributed to their rise, in particular how the different social class of members produced groups with near-identical ideology but radically different presentation and modes of action.

Background Identifying hate speech (HS) is a central concern within online contexts. Current methods are insufficient for efficient preemptive HS identification. In this study, we present the results of an analysis of automatic HS identification applied to popular alt-right YouTube videos. Methods This essay describes methodological challenges of automatic HS detection. The case study concerns data on a formative segment of contemporary radical right discourse. Our purpose is twofold. (1) To outline an interdisciplinary mixed-methods approach for using automated identification of HS. This bridges the gap between technical research on the one hand (such as machine learning, deep learning, and natural language processing, NLP) and traditional empirical research on the other. Regarding alt-right discourse and HS, we ask: (2) What are the challenges in identifying HS in popular alt-right YouTube videos? Results The results indicate that effective and consistent identification of HS communication necessitates qualitative interventions to avoid arbitrary or misleading applications. Binary approaches of hate/non-hate speech tend to force the rationale for designating content as HS. A context-sensitive qualitative approach can remedy this by bringing into focus the indirect character of these communications. The results should interest researchers within social sciences and the humanities adopting automatic sentiment analysis and for those analysing HS and radical right discourse. Conclusions Automatic identification or moderation of HS cannot account for an evolving context of indirect signification. This study exemplifies a process whereby automatic hate speech identification could be utilised effectively. Several methodological steps are needed for a useful outcome, with both technical quantitative processing and qualitative analysis being vital to achieve meaningful results. With regard to the alt-right YouTube material, the main challenge is indirect framing. Identification demands orientation in the broader discursive context and the adaptation towards indirect expressions renders moderation and suppression ethically and legally precarious.

Background: Wexit, a movement for the secession of the provinces in Western Canada, gained national attention and visibility in the federal elections of 2019, boosted by social media platforms. Analysis: This article explores #wexit interactions on Twitter as a Canadian digital issue public by analyzing the main actors spreading and controlling information and interactions to see if the public Wexit conversation on Twitter engages in alt-right discourse and rhetoric. Conclusion and implications: The analysis shows how #wexit, as a Canadian alternative to mainstream conservative movements, engages regional concerns and/or petrocultures about “Western culture.”