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This article seeks to decipher Indonesia’s role as a norm entrepreneur for the norms of amity and cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region by employing the conceptual framework of the “norm life cycle” developed by Finnemore and Sikkink and Holbraad’s avail of regional initiatives for middle powers. It argues that in contrast to existing literature that construed Indonesia’s role in ASEAN as a form of leadership, Indonesia is merely introducing emerging norms that coincide with its administration’s national interests and priorities. Jokowi initially wielded the regional platform of ASEAN to echo the norm of amity and cooperation, which are introduced through motives of altruism, empathy, and emotional commitment. The norm continued to the norm cascade stage, as the norm became institutionalized in the form of ASEAN Outlook in the Indo-Pacific and provided “peer pressure among states” to eliminate initial opposition to the proposal. Lastly, this article argues that the emerging norm is internalized among ASEAN member states and critical regional actors that contributed to the geopolitical and geostrategic shifts in the Indo-Pacific.

Iran and the United States (US) have resorted to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on five occasions to settle their disputes. The latest dispute was initiated by Iran and pertains to US’s decision of withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) agreement and re-imposition of sanctions on Iran, including its nationals and companies. In this brief critique, the authors have analysed the preliminary objections and the ICJ’s approach in deciding the dispute. The authors have noticed that the ICJ digressed from its earlier decisions which involved the Treaty of Amity 1955 between Iran and the US. It is also to be noted that the ICJ has not substantiated its deviation with analytical observation. Also, it is opined that although the international adjudication lacks a system of precedent, it is the sacrosanct duty of the ICJ to establish a coherent jurisprudence in the interest of justice, which the ICJ has consciously neglected to achieve in this present dispute.

A short story is presented.

While the concept of friendship has been largely invisible within Western political debate, in the international political domain, ‘friendship’ and the language of friends have been prominent in treaties and alliances between nations. Database searches on the topic of ‘politics and friendship’ locate predominantly references concerning relationships between states. However, it has been war and enmity rather than friendship that has dominated analysis in international relations literature. In this article we provide a history of international treaties, focusing in particular on those named as friendship treaties. We will discuss the use of concepts and terminology related to friendship and the nomenclature associated with international alliances. It will be argued that friendship is more a tool of public relations and spin, rather than diplomacy and peace-building, and the cynical use of friendship does not sit easily with the Nehruvian concept of friendship as an important method of diplomacy that can act as a path to peace, goodwill and understanding between states and nations.

En este artículo se plantea el análisis de la complejidad de las relaciones comerciales entre castellanos e indígenas a lo largo del periodo colonial. Para ello, se comparará la práctica sobre el terreno desde el siglo XVI hasta el XVIII con los debates teóricos medievales y modernos alrededor del comercio intercultural y de las diferencias en las formas de vida rural y urbana. Se tratará, asimismo, la dualidad campo-ciudad en relación con el traslado a América del importante papel que el pensamiento occidental otorgó tradicionalmente a la ciudad como núcleo de civilización y como foco irradiador de la misma. Dicho planteamiento arroja una perspectiva muy compleja sobre las relaciones interculturales, ya que ambos grupos--castellanos e indígenas--actuaron de maneras muy diversas según el contexto social, político y económico de cada momento. Frente a la idea de una actitud siempre hostil entre los dos grupos, se presenta un panorama de búsqueda de la amistad por medios pacíficos, entre los que se destaca el comercio como principal catalizador.

After centuries of virtual isolation, during which time international sea travel was forbidden outside of Japan's immediate fishing shores, Japanese shogunal authorities in 1862 made the unprecedented decision to launch an official delegation to China by sea. Concerned by the fast-changing global environment, they had witnessed the ever-increasing number of incursions into Asia by European powers—not the least of which was Commodore Perry's arrival in Japan in 1853–54 and the forced opening of a handful of Japanese ports at the end of the decade. The Japanese reasoned that it was only a matter of time before they too encountered the same unfortunate fate as China; their hope was to learn from the Chinese experience and to keep foreign powers at bay. They dispatched the Senzaimaru to Shanghai with the purpose of investigating contemporary conditions of trade and diplomacy in the international city. Japanese from varied domains, as well as shogunal officials, Nagasaki merchants, and an assortment of deck hands, made the voyage along with a British crew, spending a total of ten weeks observing and interacting with the Chinese and with a handful of Westerners. Roughly a dozen Japanese narratives of the voyage were produced at the time, recounting personal impressions and experiences in Shanghai. The Japanese emissaries had the distinct advantage of being able to communicate with their Chinese hosts by means of the \"brush conversation\" (written exchanges in literary Chinese). For their part, the Chinese authorities also created a paper trail of reports and memorials concerning the Japanese visitors, which worked its way up and down the bureaucratic chain of command. This was the first official meeting of Chinese and Japanese in several centuries. Although the Chinese authorities agreed to few of the Japanese requests for trade relations and a consulate, nine years later China and Japan would sign the first bilateral treaty of amity in their history, a completely equal treaty. East Asia—and the diplomatic and trade relations between the region’s two major players in the modern era—would never be the same.

Concluding remarks that highlight fertile avenues for future/ongoing study in the area.

Author Amity Shlaes was the guest speaker at the Woodstock Republican Committee's December meeting. She spoke about her two most recent books, \"The Forgotten Man\" (2007) and \"Coolidge\" (2013).