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Valerius Antias, a 1st century BCE Roman annalist, has often been accused of extensive fabrications. John Rich has recently tried to restore Antias’ reputation, suggesting that he used senatus consulta, but has faced a serious roadblock: Antias’ account of the senatus consultum freeing the Greeks in 196, preserved in Livy, contained clauses absent from Polybius’ version and which, therefore, have been rejected by scholarship. In contrast, this paper systematically evaluates these Valerian clauses and argues for their veracity. This has serious implications for the idea that annalists like Antias, and ultimately Livy, accurately conveyed senatorial decrees from the Middle Republic.

Valerius Antias, a 1st century BCE Roman annalist, has often been accused of extensive fabrications. John Rich has recently tried to restore Antias’ reputation, suggesting that he used senatus consulta, but has faced a serious roadblock: Antias’ account of the senatus consultum freeing the Greeks in 196, preserved in Livy, contained clauses absent from Polybius’ version and which, therefore, have been rejected by scholarship. In contrast, this paper systematically evaluates these Valerian clauses and argues for their veracity. This has serious implications for the idea that annalists like Antias, and ultimately Livy, accurately conveyed senatorial decrees from the Middle Republic.

This article argues that the coining of the term ‘civitas sine suffragio’ was a product of post-Social War historiography. By analysing the inconsistency surrounding citizenship grants found within Livy and Velleius Paterculus, it contends that both civitas optimo iure and civitas sine suffragio were originally recorded under an identical descriptor. The annalists of the Late Republic sought to separate these forms of citizenship to facilitate the narrative of the Social War and the unification of Roman Italy.

An analysis of the parallel accounts in Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Plutarch shows that the seemingly Augustan traits of Livy's Camillus already featured in late annalistic sources. Camillus' speech at Livy 5.51–4 condenses and expands late annalistic themes and fuses them with Ciceronian reminiscences. One reason for this fusion is Cicero's own self-fashioning as a new Camillus (particularly, in his post-exilic speeches). The accounts of the Civil War suggest that Pompey and Caesar, too, exploited the Camillus paradigm. The parallels between Livy's Camillus and Augustus probably result from the latter's attempt to silence the Republican opposition by appropriating one of its most powerful paradigms.

In this essay I pose the question of whether it might be possible to articulate a collaborative, critical narrative mode of research in which teachers and students come together using a critical and analytic epistemology to engage in adventurous pedagogy. This approach has echoes of Freire’s “teachers-as-students and students- -as-teachers,” but elaborates the Freirean metaphor to include conceptions of emotion, creativity, and incorporation of the latent historical subjectivities of teachers and students in the process. Contrary to the deadening, circumscribed epistemology of putatively “evidence-based” pedagogies, in which teachers and children are expected to check their cultural meaning-making capacities and their emotional investments at the door, this is a plea for a regenerative, engaged, local curriculum making process. As I note in the essay, “This is a strategy that cannot work in the service of utilitarian modes of education that are focused only on value (cf. Appiah, 2015). It can only work for forms of schooling that seek to foster values of receptivity, cultural respect, open-mindedness, and critical imaginaries. In these coldly utilitarian times we need to provide leadership to progressively minded teachers to allow them to develop, document, and disseminate such practices.”

This chapter contains sections titled: The Republican Milieu Authors Contemporary with the End of the Republic The Julio‐Claudian Era From the Flavian Era to the Fifth Century AD

The relationship between Livy and his annalistic predecessors will be investigated, focussing on two aspects. First: which works has Livy used and which principles did he follow using them (Quellenkritik). Secondly: concerning the art of storytelling, what was Livy able to adopt from the annalists, and how did he innovate the genre of historiography?

This chapter contains sections titled: A Traditional World, 1450 – 1550 Beginnings of Change, 1560 – 1600 Adapting to Change, 1601 – 1640 Discontinuities, 1641 – 1700 References and Further Reading

This chapter contains sections titled: Further Reading

Dans l'unique chapitre du livre XXIX de Tite-Live qui soit consacré aux affaires de Grèce, deux points font encore difficulté. D'une part, pourquoi l'initiative est-elle laissée aux Epirotes, instigateurs de la paix de Phoinikè (205), alors que les neutres ont si rarement droit de cité dans l'histoire et l'historiographie des Anciens ? Serait-ce manière, pour Tite-Live, de masquer le désengagement des Romains ? D'autre part, la présence d'Ilion et d'Athènes sur la liste des adscripti de Rome jointe au traité pourrait s'expliquer à la fois par une réécriture annalistique destinée à légitimer, du point de vue romain, l'ouverture de la deuxième guerre de Macédoine, et par le contexte culturel dans lequel Tite-Live écrivit. Livy, XXDC, 12, and the Roman presence in Greece : the problems of neutrality (205-200 BV). In the only chapter of Livy's book XXIX to be devoted to Greek affairs, two points are still mooted. To begin with, why was the initiative left to the Epirotes, as promoters of the Phoinike peace treaty (205), when neutrals are so seldom granted right ot city in the history and historiography of the Ancients ? Would it be a way for Livy to conceal Roman disengagement. On the other hand, the presence of Ilion and Athens on the list of Rome's adscripti appended to the treaty could be accounted for both as an annalistic rewriting purporting to legitimatize the outbreak of the second Macedonian war from a Roman point of view and as a consequence of the cultural context of Livy's narrative.