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At a time when conflicts in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere are highlighting women's roles as armed activists and combatants, this volume offers a book-length study of women's participation in Spain's oldest armed movement. Drawing on a body of oral history interviews, archival material and published sources, it shows how women's participation in radical Basque nationalism has changed from the founding of ETA in 1959 to the present. The book analyses several aspects of women's nationalist activism: collaboration and direct activism in ETA, cultural movements, motherhood, prison and feminism. By focusing on gender politics, it offers new perspectives on the history of ETA, including recruitment, the militarisation of radical Basque nationalism and the role of the media in shaping popular understandings of ‘terrorism’. These arguments are directly relevant to the study of women in other insurgence and terrorist movements.

At a time when conflicts in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere are highlighting women’s roles as armed activists and combatants, Women and ETA offers the first book-length study of women’s participation in Spain’s oldest armed movement. Drawing on a unique body of oral history interviews, archival material and published sources, this book shows how women’s participation in radical Basque nationalism has changed from the founding of ETA in 1959 to the present. It analyses several aspects of women’s nationalist activism: collaboration and direct activism in ETA, cultural movements, motherhood, prison and feminism. By focusing on gender politics Women and ETA offers new perspectives on the history of ETA, including recruitment, the militarization of radical Basque nationalism, and the role of the media in shaping popular understandings of ‘terrorism’. These arguments are directly relevant to the study of women in other insurgence and terrorist movements. The book will be of interest to scholars and students of history, Hispanic studies, gender studies, anthropology and politics, as well as to journalists and readers interested in women’s participation in contemporary conflicts and terrorist movements.

Is politics the best way to make changes in your community? How can one find a political identity? What is the relationship between Black identity and the US political field? Through reflection and recollection, author Stephen Graves explores these questions as he describes his journey from young Black student, to politician, to teaching at a university level – all as a way to engage with and effect change in his community. Focusing on the author’s lived experience, this book will bring life to political theory and studies of American politics.

This paper scrutinises the assimilation of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia – TNI) into civilian structures to shape a harmonised civil–military cooperation (CIMIC) in post-conflict peacebuilding initiatives. Acting as a crucial state apparatus, the TNI confronts a spectrum of threats, upholds national integrity, and follows Law No. 34/2004 by promoting soft power in non-combative military operations. Notwithstanding concerns raised by peace activists regarding potential human rights breaches during armed interventions, peacebuilding heavily depends on trust-building, which is a key catalyst for stakeholder cooperation. In contradiction to activists’ apprehensions, 2022 surveys reveal an impressive public trust level of around 93% towards the TNI. This robust public confidence sets a promising stage for the active engagement of the TNI in peacebuilding. To ensure effective participation, the TNI must demonstrate human rights commitment and adaptability to civilian protocols and guarantee non-repressive methodologies in peace missions. Leveraging its soft power, the TNI can cultivate productive alliances with civil institutions via joint ventures under civilian supremacy within a regulated CIMIC construct. The theory of change offers a unique perspective on the intertwined dynamics of civil–military collaboration, public trust and soft military power in peacebuilding, steering state policy outcomes. These are shaped by the government’s ability to reshape military duties devoid of military overreach. In conclusion, civilian control over the military materialises through shared accountability in peacebuilding endeavours, encapsulated within the CIMIC framework.

This article focuses on the opportunities for allowing protests in contemporary Russia despite military censorship and a ban on any public action or criticism of the ongoing war against Ukraine. The research analyzes the tactics of the women’s activism that were used on Red Square in November 2023, demanding the return of their mobilized relatives. The study shows how women activists manage risks, declare demands, and avoid detention while interacting with police and officials of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF). Through the analysis of framing perspective, the study examines the demonstration and interactions in the community’s blog. Findings indicate that the actualization of several specific framings in the movement’s action—including appropriation of the KPRF’s rhetoric and self-representation as responsible and patriotic soldiers’ wives with minor support from the KPRF—presents a space for protest in Russia’s closed political system.

[...]we broaden our temporal aperture, shifting from the proximate variables that have hitherto commanded the most attention, such as the diffusion of social-networking tools and the posture of the army, to ex- amine the historical and structural factors that determined the balance of power between incumbents and oppositionists. In both Egypt and Tunisia, the dictator's position became untenable when the armed forces refused to use force, whereas in Syria the military flew swift- ly and savagely to the regime's defense. The first is about personal rule, while the second concerns the importance of foreign interventions.

This essay reviews Nancy MacLean’s Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America, which triggered a huge controversy that virally spread on the Internet and in various journals. We will evaluate MacLean’s almost biographical account of James Buchanan, which portrays the 1986 Nobel Prize laureate as the mastermind behind today’s attacks, by the foot soldiers of the radical right, on American democracy. This essay develops three main points. One, MacLean’s general narrative puts too much emphasis on Buchanan and largely neglects the many other important characters who contributed to the intellectual criticism of government intervention. Two, MacLean’s account is marred by many misunderstandings about public choice theory, for instance about the role that simple majority rule plays in constitutional economics. Third, in the midst of abundant archival material, her historical narrative is, at best, sketchy, and is replete with significantly flawed arguments, misplaced citations, and dubious conjectures. Overall, MacLean tends to overinterpret certain aspects in Buchanan’s life and thought, while she overlooks others that are equally important in understanding his work and influence. In particular, we stress that Buchanan was, first and foremost, a scholar, not a political activist, who gave significant attention to ethical considerations in his analysis of markets.

Most Jewish Israeli anti-militarist activists frame their critiques within the boundaries of explicit loyalty to Israeli society and allegiance to Zionism, a stance that contributes to their mainstream appeal. They often frame their dissent as an attempt to rescue Israeli society from military abuses, but in doing so are often unwittingly co-opted as “internal affairs” officers for the military, exposing misconduct but also strengthening the military’s claims to moral propriety. As a result, we see the persistent seepage of militarism and militarist values into anti-militarist activism. Thus, Jewish Israeli activists face a number of ethical and political dilemmas as a result of their “insider” position, including whether to abandon their activist practices or renounce their national allegiance.

Ending his soliloquy on Black men's strength, he added, \"'My master wouldn't be wuffmuch ef I was a soldier.'\" Tom thus affirmed that he could subjugate his enslaver, an act that would assure the world of his own manhood.1 After a lifetime of being unable to defend themselves and protect family members from oppressors, southerners like Tom grasped muskets and donned the Union army uniform hoping to demonstrate their manhood in combat. In the earliest account of Black soldiers in the campaign to raze slavery, the once-enslaved William Wells Brown often pointed to the power of military service in the assertion of Black manhood.2 George Washington Williams, a veteran of the Forty-First United States Colored Infantry (USCI) and later a historian, observed the importance as well, writing that \"this army of ex-slaves\" was \"eager to establish their freedom and vindicate their manhood. 4 After World War II, scholars further detailed the significance of Civil War battlefield service to Black Americans' claims to manhood and citizenship.5 Historians have also pointed out the unintended consequences of claiming manhood and citizenship through violence within the U.S. Army, such as the further exclusion of Black women from the body politic and the dilemmas created by emphasizing violence as a means of attaining freedom.6 Although such studies have exposed key elements in defining gender and race during the nation's climactic internecine struggle, historians specifically interested in the role of manhood in Black soldiers' wartime experiences have dwelled on battlefields. The Militia Act of 1792 ensured that only \"free able-bodied white male citizen[s]\" could enter militias, and up until the Civil War erupted, Black men had been largely excluded from the U.S. Army.