Explore the vast range of titles available.

The ability to abstract a regularity that underlies strings of sounds is a core mechanism of the language faculty but might not be specific to language learning or even to humans. It is unclear whether and to what extent nonhuman animals possess the ability to abstract regularities defining the relation among arbitrary auditory items in a string and to generalize this abstraction to strings of acoustically novel items. In this study we tested these abilities in a songbird (zebra finch) and a parrot species (budgerigar). Subjects were trained in a go/no-go design to discriminate between two sets of sound strings arranged in an XYX or an XXY structure. After this discrimination was acquired, each subject was tested with test strings that were structurally identical to the training strings but consisted of either new combinations of known elements or of novel elements belonging to other element categories. Both species learned to discriminate between the two stimulus sets. However, their responses to the test strings were strikingly different. Zebra finches categorized test stimuli with previously heard elements by the ordinal position that these elements occupied in the training strings, independent of string structure. In contrast, the budgerigars categorized both novel combinations of familiar elements as well as strings consisting of novel element types by their underlying structure. They thus abstracted the relation among items in the XYX and XXY structures, an ability similar to that shown by human infants and indicating a level of abstraction comparable to analogical reasoning.

Formal language theory (FLT), part of the broader mathematical theory of computation, provides a systematic terminology and set of conventions for describing rules and the structures they generate, along with a rich body of discoveries and theorems concerning generative rule systems. Despite its name, FLT is not limited to human language, but is equally applicable to computer programs, music, visual patterns, animal vocalizations, RNA structure and even dance. In the last decade, this theory has been profitably used to frame hypotheses and to design brain imaging and animal-learning experiments, mostly using the ‘artificial grammar-learning’ paradigm. We offer a brief, non-technical introduction to FLT and then a more detailed analysis of empirical research based on this theory. We suggest that progress has been hampered by a pervasive conflation of distinct issues, including hierarchy, dependency, complexity and recursion. We offer clarifications of several relevant hypotheses and the experimental designs necessary to test them. We finally review the recent brain imaging literature, using formal languages, identifying areas of convergence and outstanding debates. We conclude that FLT has much to offer scientists who are interested in rigorous empirical investigations of human cognition from a neuroscientific and comparative perspective.

Theories of categorization have historically focused on the stimulus characteristics to which people are sensitive. Artificial grammar learning (AGL) provides a clear example of this phenomenon, with theorists debating between knowledge of rules, fragments, whole strings, and so on as the basis of categorization decisions (i.e., stimulus-driven explanations). We argue that this focus loses sight of the more important question of how participants make categorization decisions on a mechanistic level (i.e., process-driven explanations). To address the problem, we derived predictions from an instance-based model of human memory in a pseudo-AGL task in which all study and test strings were generated randomly, a task that stimulus-driven explanations of AGL would have difficulty accommodating. We conducted a standard AGL experiment with human participants using the same strings. The model’s predictions corresponded to participants’ decisions well, even in the absence of any experimenter-generated structure and regardless of whether test stimuli contained any incidental structure. We argue that theories of categorization ought to continue shifting towards the goal of modeling categorization at the level of cognitive processes rather than primarily attempting to identify the stimulus characteristics to which participants are drawn.

The first part of this article gives a brief overview of the four levels of the Chomsky hierarchy, with a special emphasis on context-free and regular languages. It then recapitulates the arguments why neither regular nor context-free grammar is sufficiently expressive to capture all phenomena in the natural language syntax. In the second part, two refinements of the Chomsky hierarchy are reviewed, which are both relevant to the extant research in cognitive science: the mildly context-sensitive languages (which are located between context-free and context-sensitive languages), and the sub-regular hierarchy (which distinguishes several levels of complexity within the class of regular languages).

The domain of syntax is seen as the core of the language faculty and as the most critical difference between animal vocalizations and language. We review evidence from spontaneously produced vocalizations as well as from perceptual experiments using artificial grammars to analyse animal syntactic abilities, i.e. abilities to produce and perceive patterns following abstract rules. Animal vocalizations consist of vocal units (elements) that are combined in a species-specific way to create higher order strings that in turn can be produced in different patterns. While these patterns differ between species, they have in common that they are no more complex than a probabilistic finite-state grammar. Experiments on the perception of artificial grammars confirm that animals can generalize and categorize vocal strings based on phonetic features. They also demonstrate that animals can learn about the co-occurrence of elements or learn simple ‘rules’ like attending to reduplications of units. However, these experiments do not provide strong evidence for an ability to detect abstract rules or rules beyond finite-state grammars. Nevertheless, considering the rather limited number of experiments and the difficulty to design experiments that unequivocally demonstrate more complex rule learning, the question of what animals are able to do remains open.

The evolution of language correlates with distinct changes in the primate brain. The present article compares language-related brain regions and their white matter connectivity in the developing and mature human brain with the respective structures in the nonhuman primate brain. We will see that the functional specificity of the posterior portion of Broca’s area (Brodmann area [BA 44]) and its dorsal fiber connection to the temporal cortex, shown to support the processing of structural hierarchy in humans, makes a crucial neural difference between the species. This neural circuit may thus be fundamental for the human syntactic capacity as the core of language.

Although it is widely agreed that learning the syntax of natural languages involves acquiring structure-dependent rules, recent work on acquisition has nevertheless attempted to characterize the outcome of learning primarily in terms of statistical generalizations about surface distributional information. In this paper we investigate whether surface statistical knowledge or structural knowledge of English is used to infer properties of a novel language under conditions of impoverished input. We expose learners to artificial-language patterns that are equally consistent with two possible underlying grammars—one more similar to English in terms of the linear ordering of words, the other more similar on abstract structural grounds. We show that learners’ grammatical inferences overwhelmingly favor structural similarity over preservation of superficial order. Importantly, the relevant shared structure can be characterized in terms of a universal preference for isomorphism in the mapping from meanings to utterances. Whereas previous empirical support for this universal has been based entirely on data from cross-linguistic language samples, our results suggest it may reflect a deep property of the human cognitive system—a property that, together with other structure-sensitive principles, constrains the acquisition of linguistic knowledge.

In this paper we probe the interaction between sequential and hierarchical learning by investigating implicit learning in a group of school-aged children. We administered a serial reaction time task, in the form of a modified Simon Task in which the stimuli were organised following the rules of two distinct artificial grammars, specifically Lindenmayer systems: the Fibonacci grammar (Fib) and the Skip grammar (a modification of the former). The choice of grammars is determined by the goal of this study, which is to investigate how sensitivity to structure emerges in the course of exposure to an input whose surface transitional properties (by hypothesis) bootstrap structure. The studies conducted to date have been mainly designed to investigate low-level superficial regularities, learnable in purely statistical terms, whereas hierarchical learning has not been effectively investigated yet. The possibility to directly pinpoint the interplay between sequential and hierarchical learning is instead at the core of our study: we presented children with two grammars, Fib and Skip, which share the same transitional regularities, thus providing identical opportunities for sequential learning, while crucially differing in their hierarchical structure. More particularly, there are specific points in the sequence (k-points), which, despite giving rise to the same transitional regularities in the two grammars, support hierarchical reconstruction in Fib but not in Skip. In our protocol, children were simply asked to perform a traditional Simon Task, and they were completely unaware of the real purposes of the task. Results indicate that sequential learning occurred in both grammars, as shown by the decrease in reaction times throughout the task, while differences were found in the sensitivity to k-points: these, we contend, play a role in hierarchical reconstruction in Fib, whereas they are devoid of structural significance in Skip. More particularly, we found that children were faster in correspondence to k-points in sequences produced by Fib, thus providing an entirely new kind of evidence for the hypothesis that implicit learning involves an early activation of strategies of hierarchical reconstruction, based on a straightforward interplay with the statistically-based computation of transitional regularities on the sequences of symbols.

Understanding how native speakers acquire the phonological patterns in their language is a key task for the field of phonology. Numerous studies have suggested that phonological learning is a biased process: certain phonological patterns are more easily accessed and learned by the speakers and thus more likely to appear in languages, while others show acquisition difficulties and may occur less frequently. Therefore, an important aspect of understanding phonological learning and typology is to understand the nature of these learning biases. Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP), i.e., the avoidance of adjacent similar units in the lexicon, is one of the typologically well-attested phenomena that may originate from phonological learning biases. Using an artificial grammar learning experiment testing the learnability of several phonotactic patterns, we present evidence that the OCP can directly modulate phonological learning, in that similarity avoidance is easier to learn compared to other phonotactic patterns. Specifically, an OCP-based phonotactic pattern was better learned than a complexity-matching consonant major place harmony phonotactic pattern as well as an arbitrary control pattern. Based on the AGL experiment results and the phonetic foundation of similarity avoidance, we argue that the OCP can serve as a substantive bias that influences phonological learning and, eventually, linguistic typology.

Auditory processing of speech and non-speech stimuli oftentimes involves the analysis and acquisition of non-adjacent sound patterns. Previous studies using speech material have demonstrated (i) children’s early emerging ability to extract non-adjacent dependencies (NADs) and (ii) a relation between basic auditory perception and this ability. Yet, it is currently unclear whether children show similar sensitivities and similar perceptual influences for NADs in the non-linguistic domain. We conducted an event-related potential study with 3-year-old children using a sine-tone-based oddball task, which simultaneously tested for NAD learning and auditory perception by means of varying sound intensity. Standard stimuli were A × B sine-tone sequences, in which specific A elements predicted specific B elements after variable × elements. NAD deviants violated the dependency between A and B and intensity deviants were reduced in amplitude. Both elicited similar frontally distributed positivities, suggesting successful deviant detection. Crucially, there was a predictive relationship between the amplitude of the sound intensity discrimination effect and the amplitude of the NAD learning effect. These results are taken as evidence that NAD learning in the non-linguistic domain is functional in 3-year-olds and that basic auditory processes are related to the learning of higher-order auditory regularities also outside the linguistic domain.