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Com base na sociologia da dominação carismática de Max Weber, o objetivo do artigo é compreender o caráter multidimensional do lulismo como (a) liderança, (b) movimento e (c) regime. Na arena eleitoral, o lulismo configura-se como uma forma de liderança carismática de massas que simboliza a possibilidade de superação das carências materiais. Na arena intrapartidária, além de uma forma de liderança organizacional que fornece coesão e identidade coletiva à organização partidária, o lulismo também confere ao PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores), ao lado de seu perfil burocrático, características de partido-carismático e de partido-movimento. Na arena estatal, o lulismo erigiu um regime que foi carismático-paternalista quanto ao modo de exercício das presidências de Lula (2003-2010) e, em afinidade eletiva com ele, um regime patrimonialista na gestão das políticas econômico-sociais e na construção de arranjos de governabilidade. According to Max Weber’s theory of charismatic domination, the concept of “Lulism” can be understood in a multi-dimensional way as (a) leadership, (b) movement and (c) regime. In the electoral arena, Lulism is configured as a form of charismatic mass leadership based on the idealization of a popular stratum character which symbolizes the possibility of overcoming material needs. In the intra-party arena, it is a form of organizational leadership that provides cohesion and collective identity to the Workers’ Party (PT). For this reason, Lulism also gives to PT, in addition to its bureaucratic profile, traits of a charismatic party and a movement party. In the state arena, Lulism built a regime that was charismatic-paternalistic in terms of the way in which Lula’s first presidencies (2003-2010) were exercised, but it was predominantly patrimonial in the management of its economic-social policies and in the construction of governance arrangements. Basado en la sociología de la dominación carismática de Max Weber, el objetivo del artículo es comprender el carácter multidimensional del lulismo como (a) liderazgo, (b) movimiento y (c) régimen. En el ámbito electoral, el lulismo se configura como una forma de liderazgo carismático de masas que simboliza la posibilidad de superación de las necesidades materiales. En el ámbito intrapartidista, además de una forma de liderazgo organizacional que proporciona cohesión e identidad colectiva a la organización partidaria, el lulismo también otorga al PT (Partido de los Trabajadores), además de su perfil burocrático, características de partido carismático y de movimiento-partido.  En el ámbito estatal, el lulismo erigió un régimen carismático-paternalista en la forma en que se ejercieron las presidencias de Lula (2003-2010) y, en afinidad electiva con él, un régimen patrimonialista en la gestión de las políticas económico-sociales y en la construcción de acuerdos de gobernanza.

Este artículo interroga los cambios en las escenificaciones del liderazgo de Perón en la Argentina entre 1962 y 1966. Mediante artículos, declaraciones y ensayos en publicaciones político-partidarias, y diarios y revistas comerciales argentinas, examina las representaciones de su jefatura elaboradas por actores individuales y organizativos peronistas. Fueron años álgidos para el peronismo y particularmente para Perón. Su lugar de líder comenzó a ser disputado por los llamados “neoperonistas” y por Augusto Vandor, importante sindicalista del periodo. Complejizando la identificación del liderazgo de Perón con uno meramente carismático, el artículo apela a la dimensión de la promesa y a la lealtad para auscultar la relación carismática en el peronismo en esta porción de los años sesenta argentinos.

This article draws on research in Venezuela to make a broader argument about the link between populism and injury. Specifically, it considers the role that crime victimhood plays in the rise of punitive populism or the so-called punitive turn. Under President Hugo Chávez, the Venezuelan government publicly denounced tough-on-crime policies as instruments of socioeconomic oppression. Following Chávez’s death, there was an abrupt change of course due, in part, to the opposition’s mobilization of crime victims. The Venezuelan case illustrates a double bind that confronts scholars who are critical of the punitive turn. On the one hand, the figure of the crime victim mediates the body politic in a way that reproduces structures of racial and economic domination. On the other hand, the failure to substantively address the material injuries of crime victims propels grassroots support for punitive populism. Instead of focusing on the subject of rights, this article proposes starting with the subject of wrongs as a bottom-up approach to political subjectivity that can help us understand the dynamic behind punitive populism and show us a way out of the double bind. Este artículo se basa en trabajo de campo en Venezuela y persigue establecer un argumento general sobre el vínculo entre el populismo y el daño. Específicamente, el artículo considera el papel que las víctimas del crimen desempeñan en el auge del populismo punitivo o el giro punitivo. Durante el gobierno de Hugo Chávez se denunciaba la política de mano dura como un instrumento de opresión socioeconómica. Tras la muerte de Chávez, hubo un cambio abrupto en esta práctica debido, en parte, a la movilización de las víctimas del crimen. El caso venezolano constituye un dilema para los académicos que critican el giro punitivo. Por un lado, la figura de la víctima participa en el cuerpo político de una manera que reproduce estructuras de dominación racial y económica. Por otro lado, la incapacidad para responder efectivamente a los reales daños del crimen aumenta el apoyo popular a la política de mano dura. En vez de enfocarse en el tema de los derechos, este artículo propone enfocarse en el tema de los males (o daños) como una manera de abordar la subjetividad política que podría, por un lado ayudarnos a entender la dinámica detrás del populismo punitivo, y por el otro encontrar una solución al dilema que este plantea.

Background The aim of this study was to investigate the clinical implication of incidentally induced atrial fibrillation (AF) during programmed electrical stimulation (PES) in patients with left ventricular systolic dysfunction (≤40%) after an acute myocardial infarction (MI). Methods In this study, we included 231 patients from the Cardiac Arrhythmias and RIsk Stratification after Myocardial InfArction (CARISMA) study with left ventricular ejection fraction ≤40% and no prior history of AF. These patients underwent PES 6 weeks post‐MI as part of the study protocol. Patients all received an implantable cardiac monitor (ICM) 3–21 days post‐MI and were continuously monitored for cardiac arrhythmias for 2 years. Induction of AF was unwanted but reported if this incidentally occurred. Results A total of 61 patients (26%) developed AF within 2 years of follow‐up, in which n = 10 (29%) had incidental AF during PES at baseline. The overall risk of AF was not significantly increased in patients with incidental AF (n = 34) during PES compared to patients without incidental AF (n = 197) (HR 1.6 [0.9–3.0], p = 0.14). The risk of bradyarrhythmia (HR = 0.2 [0.0–1.2], p = 0.07), ventricular arrhythmias (HR = 0.7 [0.1–5.8], p = 0.77), and major cardiovascular events (MACE) (HR 0.5 [0.2–1.7], p = 0.28) was not significantly different in patients with versus without incidental AF. Conclusions Incidentally induced AF during PES in post‐MI patients with reduced LVEF was not significantly associated with a higher risk of long‐term atrial fibrillation, other cardiac arrhythmias, or major cardiac events. Trial Registration NCT00145119 Two hundred and thirty‐one patients post‐acute myocardial infarction (AMI) underwent programmed electrical stimulation (PES) and 34 patients had incidental induced atrial fibrillation (AF). An implantable cardiac monitor (ICM) was implanted in all patients. Through 2 years of follow‐up, 61 patients in total (26%) and 10 patients with incidental AF during PES (29%) developed AF.

The article focuses on Il mondo salvato dai ragazzini considered from a socioanthropological point of view. It tries to define the dynamics of revolutionary feast that inspire the work of Morante. We point out the charismatic nature of the boys and their disposition simoultaneusly sacred and profane. The discourse about the boys oversteps the young rebellion of 1968 and becomes an analysis on history (and on the limits of some types of historical operation) at which Morante opposes the poetr.

High glycaemic index (GI) foods have been proposed to reduce satiety and thus promote overweight and obesity. Generally, potatoes have a high GI, but they also provide many beneficial nutrients and they are a highly important food source globally. In this study, we investigated how a low GI potato affected subjective satiety as compared to a high GI potato. Twenty healthy men (aged 18–40 years; body mass index (BMI) 18–27 kg/m2) participated in this single-blinded, controlled, randomised crossover trial. On each of the two trial days, the subjects were given a 500-gram portion of either a low or high GI potato variety (Carisma® low GI and Arizona high GI). Subjective appetite sensations were measured at baseline and at +15 min, +45 min, +75 min, +105 min, and +135 min after consumption of the test meal until an ad libitum meal was served at +150 min. No significant differences in the primary endpoint, satiety, were found between the two potato varieties (all p > 0.05). Furthermore, no significant differences were found in the secondary endpoints; hunger, fullness, and prospective food consumption, or ad libitum energy intake (all p > 0.05). In conclusion, the results of this study do not indicate that the GI of potatoes is important for satiety in normal-weight men.

La economía del carisma en el mundo evangélico complejiza la distinción clásica entre el carisma profético y el carisma de función. El artículo explora variaciones heterodoxas de lo extraordinario y las formas de autoridad que suscita en el marco de un programa cristiano de rehabilitación de adicciones en Argentina. El estudio muestra que no solo existe un carisma de máxima desplegado en el centro geográfico y simbólico de la escena religiosa, sino también una comprensión minimalista del mismo que tiende a replicarse miméticamente en los niveles medios de la lógica institucional. Se lleva adelante una caracterización cuantitativa del crecimiento evangélico, una descripción de las terapéuticas religiosas en el tratamiento de consumo de drogas y un análisis de las lógicas internas de autoridad. Finalmente, se reconstruyen situaciones sociales en donde es posible teorizar la emergencia de acciones simbólicas atípicas que redefinen la estructura organizacional de los templos.

We present a statistical analysis of the time evolution of ground magnetic fluctuations in three (12–48 s, 24–96 s and 48–192 s) period bands during nightside auroral activations. We use an independently derived auroral activation list composed of both substorms and pseudo‐breakups to provide an estimate of the activation times of nightside aurora during periods with comprehensive ground magnetometer coverage. One hundred eighty‐one events in total are studied to demonstrate the statistical nature of the time evolution of magnetic wave power during the ∼30 min surrounding auroral activations. We find that the magnetic wave power is approximately constant before an auroral activation, starts to grow up to 90 s prior to the optical onset time, maximizes a few minutes after the auroral activation, then decays slightly to a new, and higher, constant level. Importantly, magnetic ULF wave power always remains elevated after an auroral activation, whether it is a substorm or a pseudo‐breakup. We subsequently divide the auroral activation list into events that formed part of ongoing auroral activity and events that had little preceding geomagnetic activity. We find that the evolution of wave power in the ∼10–200 s period band essentially behaves in the same manner through auroral onset, regardless of event type. The absolute power across ULF wave bands, however, displays a power law‐like dependency throughout a 30 min period centered on auroral onset time. We also find evidence of a secondary maximum in wave power at high latitudes ∼10 min following isolated substorm activations. Most significantly, we demonstrate that magnetic wave power levels persist after auroral activations for ∼10 min, which is consistent with recent findings of wave‐driven auroral precipitation during substorms. This suggests that magnetic wave power and auroral particle precipitation are intimately linked and key components of the substorm onset process.

The present text presents a reflection on the reforms undertaken by Pope Francis in the Catholic Church since his first audience, after the crisis that has led to the resignation of Pope Benedict VI.  Having as reference Weberian types of powers such as charismatic powers, traditional powers and bureaucratic powers, this paper analyzes the current ecclesial situation under the influx of the reformed Charism of Francis,  legitimated by the tradition of apostolic succession and established in the ecclesiastical bureaucracy. The current Pope adds in his person and function, the charismatic, traditional and institutional powers. Although Weberian sociology provides analytical keys for reflection, it should not lead to the identification of pure charismatic type powers in the person of the renovator. The tension between the charism, the tradition and the bureaucratic organization constitute a challenge and the possibility of reformation in the structure and functions of the Church.  Pope Francis faces the challenge of implementing reforms in an organization whose function is to preserve and not to innovate; being necessary to use strategies to translate their ideals into objective rules. This passage from the personal charism to institutional objectivity can lead the whole Church to reform despite inherent resistances to every bureaucratic institution in order to produce the desired reforms.

Desde hace algunos años, la figura de los liderazgos carismáticos –vinculados a menudo a movimientos populistas– se ha vuelto un rasgo prominente de la política internacional, incluso en democracias consolidadas. No obstante, la discusión política sobre el carisma permanece mayormente vinculada a las ideas desarrolladas hace más de un siglo por Max Weber, para quien este tipo de autoridad se caracteriza por su carácter extraordinario y efímero.    En su último libro, The Emergence and Revival of Charismatic Movements: Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo,  que recibió el premio Leon Epstein de la American Political Science Association, la profesora Caitlin Andrews-Lee desafía esta tesis centenaria y plantea una teoría alternativa. Respaldada por evidencia obtenida mediante experimentos, entrevistas y grupos de enfoque en América Latina, la académica de la Universidad de Carolina del Norte, en Chapel Hill, sugiere que los movimientos fundados por este tipo de liderazgo pueden persistir y reemerger como fuerzas políticas poderosas gracias a su núcleo personalista, y no a pesar de éste.    César Morales Oyarvide dialoga con Andrews-Lee  sobre la dificultad de definir el carisma, los dilemas que enfrentan tanto quienes suceden a personajes como Hugo Chávez como quienes se les oponen, y el rol del género en el liderazgo de las mujeres que han llegado a dirigir estos movimientos, como la presidenta Claudia Sheinbaum. In recent years, charismatic leadership figures—often linked to populist movements—have become a prominent feature of international politics, even in consolidated democracies. However, the political discussion of charisma remains tied mainly to the ideas developed more than a century ago by Max Weber, who characterized this type of authority as extraordinary and ephemeral. In her latest book, The Emergence and Revival of Charismatic Movements: Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo, which received the Leon Epstein Award from the American Political Science Association, Professor Caitlin Andrews-Lee challenges this century-old thesis and proposes an alternative theory. Backed by evidence from experiments, interviews, and focus groups in Latin America, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill scholar suggests that movements founded by this type of leadership can persist and reemerge as powerful political forces, rather than in spite of it, thanks to their personalistic core. César Morales Oyarvide talks with Andrews-Lee about the difficulty of defining charisma, the dilemmas faced by both, those personalities who succeed—such as Hugo Chávez—and those who oppose them, as well as the role of gender among women who have come to lead these movements, such as President Claudia Sheinbaum.