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Scrutinizing the DAP's Success in the 2023 Malaysian State Elections
Following the formation of the Unity Government in December 2022, two of its component coalitions, Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Barisan Nasional (BN), jointly campaigned during the state government elections held in August 2023. A key question arising from this cooperation between PH and the BN lead party, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), was the extent to which it would strengthen the appeal of both coalitions, especially among Malay voters.
eBook
Why Did BERSATU Leave Pakatan Harapan?
The Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition won Malaysia's 14th general election on 9 May 2018, the first time a regime change took place in the country. However, it lost its majority in late February 2020, when Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (BERSATU) left the coalition.The four parties in PH had very different ideologies, especially when it comes to issues of race and religion. But despite taking various steps to create a coalition agreement, the more fundamental differences were never reconciled during the coalition's time in power.PH won GE-14 with a relatively low level of support from the ethnic Malays, who perceived it to be a coalition dominated by the mainly Chinese DAP. Fearmongering about how PH and the DAP were a threat to Malay privileges further weakened PH while in government.Furthermore, BERSATU disliked the possibility that Parti Keadilan Rakyat (KEADILAN) president Anwar Ibrahim might succeed Mahathir Mohamad as prime minister. They did not trust Anwar to champion the Malay agenda if he became prime minister.BERSATU decided as early as in 2019 to explore leaving PH to form a new Malay-led government, and saw the departure as a necessary step for a better chance at winning GE15.This was a controversial decision and it created a major rift within BERSATU itself, with party chairman and then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad refusing to accept the party's decision to leave PH.Following Mahathir's sudden resignation on 24 February 2020, BERSATU immediately announced their departure from PH. This led to a series of events that culminated in the collapse of PH and the formation a Perikatan Nasional government led by the three biggest Malay parties, UMNO, BERSATU and PAS.The whole episode shows that any coalition or political parties that wish to govern Malaysia must not ignore sentiments among the Malays, especially those in rural areas.
eBook
Depression Remission From Community Coalitions Versus Individual Program Support for Services: Findings From Community Partners in Care, Los Angeles, California, 2010–2016
Objectives. To explore effects of coalitions (Community Engagement and Planning [CEP]) versus technical assistance (Resources for Services [RS]) for depression collaborative care and the effects of social determinants on long-term remission outcomes. Methods. We randomized 95 health care and community programs in Los Angeles County, California, to CEP or RS. In 2010, 1246 depressed (Patient Health Questionnaire [PHQ-8] ≥ 10) adults enrolled and were invited for baseline and 6-, 12-, and 36-month surveys. Of 598 3-year completers, 283 participated at 4 years (2016). We examined effects of CEP versus RS, social factors (e.g., family income, food insecurity) on time to and periods in clinical (PHQ-8 < 10) and community-defined (PHQ-8 < 10 or PHQ-2 < 3; mental health composite score [MCS-12] > 40, or mental wellness) remission during the course of 3 years, and at 4 years. Results. We found that CEP versus RS increased 4-year depression remission and, for women, community-defined remission outcomes during the course of 3 years. Social factors and clinical factors predicted remission. Conclusions. At 4 years, CEP was more effective than RS at increasing depression remission. Public Health Implications. Coalitions may improve 4-year depression remission, while addressing social and clinical factors associated with depression may hold potential to enhance remission.
Journal Article
Allies that count : junior partners in coalition warfare
What qualities make an ally useful in coalition warfare, and when is an ally more trouble than its worth? This book analyzes the utility of junior partners in coalition warfare and reaches surprising conclusions. Olivier Schmitt conducts detailed case-study analysis of several US allies in the Gulf War, the Kosovo campaign, the Iraq War, and the war in Afghanistan. He also does a broader analysis of 204 junior partners in various interventions since the end of the Cold War. Schmitt aims to bridge a gap in previous studies about coalition warfare, while also contributing to policy debates about a recurring defense dilemma. Previous works about coalition warfare have focused on explaining how coalitions are formed, but little attention has been given to the issue of their effectiveness. At the same time, policy debates, have framed the issue of junior partners in multinational military operations in terms of a trade-off between the legitimacy that is allegedly gained from a large number of coalition states vs. the decrease in military effectiveness associated with the inherent difficulties of coalition warfare. Schmitt determines which political and military variables are more likely to create utility, and he challenges the conventional wisdom about the supposed benefit of having as many states as possible in a coalition.
Book
Who Dislikes Whom? Affective Polarization between Pairs of Parties in Western Democracies
While dislike of opposing parties, that is, affective polarization, is a defining feature of contemporary politics, research on this topic largely centers on the United States. We introduce an approach that analyzes affective polarization between pairs of parties, bridging the US two-party system and multiparty systems in other democracies. Analyzing survey data from twenty Western democracies since the mid-1990s, first, we show that partisans' dislike of out-parties is linked to elite policy disagreements on economic issues and, increasingly over time, also to cultural issues. Secondly, we argue and empirically demonstrate that governing coalition partners in parliamentary democracies display much warmer feelings toward each other than we would expect based on elite policy (dis)agreements. Third, we show that radical right parties are disliked much more intensely than we would expect based on policy disputes and coalition arrangements. These findings highlight the policy-based and institutional underpinnings of affective polarization.
Journal Article
Barack Obama's America : how new conceptions of race, family, and religion ended the Reagan era
\"The election of Barack Obama to the presidency marks a conclusive end to the Reagan era, writes John Kenneth White in Barack Obama's America. Reagan symbolized a 1950s and 1960s America, largely white and suburban, with married couples and kids at home, who attended church more often than not. Obama's election marks a new era, the author writes. Whites will be a minority by 2042. Marriage is at an all-time low. Cohabitation has increased from a half-million couples in 1960 to more than 5 million in 2000 to even more this year. Gay marriages and civil unions are redefining what it means to be a family. And organized religions are suffering, even as Americans continue to think of themselves as a religious people. Obama's inauguration was a defining moment in the political destiny of this country, based largely on demographic shifts, as described in Barack Obama's America.\" -- Publisher's description.
Book
Regulating Uber: The Politics of the Platform Economy in Europe and the United States
I use the case of the transportation network company Uber as a lens to explore the comparative politics of the platform economy in Europe and the United States. Within the advanced capitalist world, different countries have responded in very different ways to this new service, from welcome embrace and accommodating regulatory adjustments to complete rejection and legal bans. I analyze Uber’s arrival and reception in the United States, Germany, and Sweden, documenting three very different responses to this disruptive new actor. I show that conflicts over Uber centered on different issues in the three countries. These differences were consequential because the specific regulatory “flashpoints”that Uber provoked mobilized different actors, inspired the formation of different coalitions, and shaped the terms on which conflicts over Uber were framed and fought.
Journal Article