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Cruise ship tourism in port cities, while offering opportunities, has brought its own challenges, including overcrowding, disruption to local community mobility, and growing resident concerns, which recently escalated to anti-tourism activities. This article aims to understand the mobility patterns, transportation preferences, and spatial behaviors of cruise ship passengers within the City of Barcelona (Spain). The study is based on a survey conducted with cruise ship tourists visiting the city (n = 793). The key findings reveal the concentration of tourist activity in the old part of the city, and the similarity in spatial behaviors within the city, while the primary mode of exploration is walking, supported by motorized modes of transfer to access distant attractions. Socio-demographic factors and visit characteristics, such as age, group composition, and expenditure levels, are associated with mobility and spatial behavior. This article adds new evidence on the mobility patterns and spatial behaviors of cruise ship tourists visiting a major tourist city. With better knowledge of where cruise ship passengers concentrate, what activity patterns they show, and their preferred modes of transport, policymakers can manage more effectively the influx during peak times and in high-density areas. Strategies to distribute visitors more evenly across the city could be devised to alleviate pressure on heavily frequented zones.

The drastic growth of cruise tourism in the world, while potentially beneficial for economic growth in local communities, also brings concerns regarding environmental impacts. This research used the port of Ísafjörður, Iceland, a growing hotspot destination for cruise ships, as a case study to aid in understanding the potential environmental impacts from cruise ships. The study's aims were: 1) to determine the quantity and type of waste discharged to the shore facilities by cruise ships in Ísafjörður in 2019, and 2) to explore the compliance behavior of the ships in adhering to Icelandic and international environmental regulations. To do this, quantitative and qualitative questions were presented in a survey to officers from 40 cruise ships, accounting for 87% of the total 46 different ships that docked in Ísafjörður in the 2019 cruise ship season. The survey questions were designed based on the MARPOL Convention and the law of Iceland, and these questions were compared with the ship's statutory record or ship's certificates to strengthen the reliability of the data. The questions covered five categories: emissions, waste oil, wastewater, garbage and food waste, and ballast water. Results showed that very little garbage and food waste had been discharged to shore facilities, and this was likely because Ísafjörður is one of several stops for many cruise ships in Iceland and the waste had simply been discharged elsewhere. In assessing the other four categories, 8 out of the 40 cruise ships carried out illegal activities, including 12 specific violation cases. This article discusses three primary reasons for those violations: accessibility, inconsistency, and monitoring. This research was conducted pre-COVID-19; however, by 2022 cruise ship calls in Ísafjörður approached preCOVID-19 numbers. Interested parties such as local communities, national decision makers, tourism boards, municipal planners, and environmental agencies must use the best available knowledge, such as this study, to manage the positive and negative aspects of the growth of cruise ship tourism, and perhaps even more so in a post-COVID-19 phase.

The drastic growth of cruise tourism in the world, while potentially beneficial for economic growth in local communities, also brings concerns regarding environmental impacts. This research used the port of Ísafjörður, Iceland, a growing hotspot destination for cruise ships, as a case study to aid in understanding the potential environmental impacts from cruise ships. The study’s aims were: 1) to determine the quantity and type of waste discharged to the shore facilities by cruise ships in Ísafjörður in 2019, and 2) to explore the compliance behavior of the ships in adhering to Icelandic and international environmental regulations. To do this, quantitative and qualitative questions were presented in a survey to officers from 40 cruise ships, accounting for 87% of the total 46 different ships that docked in Ísafjörður in the 2019 cruise ship season. The survey questions were designed based on the MARPOL Convention and the law of Iceland, and these questions were compared with the ship’s statutory record or ship’s certificates to strengthen the reliability of the data. The questions covered five categories: emissions, waste oil, wastewater, garbage and food waste, and ballast water. Results showed that very little garbage and food waste had been discharged to shore facilities, and this was likely because Ísafjörður is one of several stops for many cruise ships in Iceland and the waste had simply been discharged elsewhere. In assessing the other four categories, eight out of the 40 cruise ships carried out illegal activities, including 12 specific violation cases. This paper discusses three primary reasons for those violations: accessibility, inconsistency, and monitoring. This research was conducted pre-COVID-19, however, by 2022 cruise ship calls in Ísafjörður approached pre-COVID-19 numbers. Interested parties such as local communities, national decision makers, tourism boards, municipal planners, and environmental agencies must use the best available knowledge, such as this study, to manage the positive and negative aspects of the growth of cruise ship tourism, and perhaps even more so in a post-COVID-19 phase.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the opportunities and approaches needed to ensure the long-term sustainability of cruise companies as a source of employment for Caribbean nationals. Design/methodology/approach The format is one of a concept paper and not a review of primary data collected, but based on the authors observations, industry knowledge and review of secondary literature available in the public domain. Findings Some recommendations are made as to the facilitation of this concept in sustainable cruise employment for the Caribbean region that will provide not only economic sustainability but also social benefits to the Caribbean region at large through poverty reduction through employment and global travel exposure. Practical implications The paper puts forth a proposal for a centralized organization representative of the multiple stakeholders within the Caribbean Cruise community: to manage and facilitate a fund to assist Caribbean nationals desirous of working on cruise ships and to meet the necessary standards of training not only in hospitality qualifications but also in basic training standards of safety, security and watch keeping for seafarers. Social implications The employment opportunities for Caribbean persons on cruise ships have not been fully exploited with the majority of Caribbean nationals working on cruise ships found predominately within the Royal Caribbean Cruise Lines, Celebrity Cruises, Norwegian Cruise Lines and Carnival Corporation brands based in the USA. Originality/value This paper provides readers with insight into the existing Caribbean employment and shipboard employment scenarios, with the view of presenting an option for stimulating and supporting sustainable employment on cruise ships for Caribbean nationals.

The port of Charlotte Amalie on St. Thomas has long been a vibrant centre for ship trafficking in the Caribbean, as it was during Danish colonial rule starting in 1672. In 1917, Denmark officially sold and left what became the US Virgin Islands. Not everybody left, though. The Danish-owned West Indian Company, which owned the majority of the St. Thomas port and its attendant facilities, stayed until 1993. At that point the harbour was sold to the Virgin Islanders, who for some time had complained about the fact that a Danish company still profited from the islands. The harbour of Charlotte Amalie, which is my central analytical unit here, thus provides a lens through which to approach Danish colonial imprints. The harbour is and has been characterised by activities of a temporary and opportunistic kind: industries blossom, people and crops from far away get uprooted and replanted in the Caribbean, businesses provide work for locals, goods are shipped out to be consumed in other places. The transitory nature of projects designed by people elsewhere, I argue, is part of what colonialism is. As I will show, the traces of such projects appear not only as particular ecologies but also as dilemmas to be grappled with long after the foreign decision-makers have left. My approach to colonial legacies on the Virgin Islands, then, mobilises the shifting flows of people, commodities, and interests shipped in and out of Charlotte Amalie to leave behind altered landscapes that are continuously debated.

Purpose The purpose of the study was to examine the relative importance of corporate social and environmental responsibility (CSER) in comparison to standard, price, duration, destination, brand and disruption using choice-based conjoint analysis (CBC). Design/methodology/approach CBC was used as the data collection survey technique, and counts analysis for preference and hierarchical Bayes estimation (HB) for importance levels data analysis methods, from Sawtooth Software Inc. Findings Results show that 2:1 Royal Caribbean Cruise Line cruise consumers prefer companies with CSER policies and practices. However, their actual product choice selection of cruise package attributes revealed that consumers overall placed less importance on CSER when choosing cruises. Experienced consumers were more brand image-conscious than those new to cruising, and consumers who were less price-sensitive were most willing to choose companies with CSER policies and practices. Research limitations/implications The information provided is specifically on \"what\" cruise consumer preferences and importance attributes are but does not explicitly explain \"why\" the respondents made the choices they did. This was at the time a limitation of the software used to conduct the study. Practical implications The Conjoint Analysis CBC Sawtooth Software pre-2014 version choice simulators do not facilitate questions that provide answers as to \"why\" respondents make the choices they do in the market simulations. Social implications The knowledge contribution is of value to both academia and industry, as the quantitative statistical data on the cruise consumers' choice preferences are of value in understanding and identifying solutions/approaches towards \"opening the bottleneck\" that exists between private sector sustainable development practices and consumer lifestyle changes. Originality/value This was the first time that CBC/HB was applied within academia to examine the cruise consumers' choice preferences in a UK context and also the first time that CSER was applied as a direct variable in a cruise package to determine the preference and important values of a brand in a consumer behaviour decision-making context.

This paper will provide an overview of the fundamental changes that the cruise ship business has undergone with the emergence of capitalist globalization and in the context of the Caribbean region. Rising profits and investments in tourism during the later decades of the 20th century and into the 21st century have been an important part of the globalizing economy. This has been a consequence of both the major technological and organizational developments of global capitalism, but also, and most importantly, of the global system’s changing social and class relations. The shifting social relations and productive activities that undergird the cruise ship business have meant gains for some involved, most especially, transnational capitalists, and exploitative and contradictory dynamics for many others. Annually millions of tourists from high consuming sectors worldwide partake in brief holiday escapes aboard cruise ship vessels. At the same time, the cruise ship business has become an oligopoly, controlled by a handful of large companies, that has driven many competitors out of business or acquiried them. Labor in the business has become more flexibilized, with low-wage workers (from a variety of nationalities) whose activities are increasingly standardized, monitored and micro-managed. While moving away from indicative development planning (with an eye to national goals), state policymakers in the Caribbean, for their own social reproduction, increasingly promote the interests of transnational capital such as with the cruise ship business. Importantly, labor and environmental protections have been stymied as the cruise ship companies, adept at public relations and skirting regulations, remain largely unaccountable.

This article provides an understanding of the goals and operational procedures of current cruise ship operators in Nunavut and gives insight into the policies necessary to effectively manage cruise ship tourism in Nunavut. The exploratory research found that cruise tourism in Nunavut is perceived as a safe and economically viable industry. However, a number of important issues emerged: 1) the need for policies and guidelines to aid in the management of parks and protected areas in Nunavut; 2) the desire for unity across the Arctic cruise ship tourism industry; 3) the requirement for greater government awareness and assistance; and 4) the need for more research, particularly from local perspectives.

Like all Caribbean destinations, the Cayman Islands has two sectors of tourism: stay-over tourism and cruise-ship tourism. Before the 1990s, the official Cayman Islands' tourism strategy placed more emphasis on the stay-over sector. After the significant drop in the number of stay-over visitors in the late 1990s, the official stance shifted, placing more emphasis on the cruise-ship sector with the intent of converting cruise ship visitors into stay-over visitors. This study investigates the simultaneous relationship between the two sectors. Results suggest that in terms of the number of visitors generated to each other a) both sectors of tourism are simultaneously related, b) stay-over tourism is a substitute for cruise-ship tourism, and c) cruise-ship tourism is a complement to stay-over tourism. Policy makers should therefore note that while stay-over tourism is a substitute for cruise-ship tourism, cruise-ship is actually a complement to stay-over tourism.