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Global developments significantly affect countries' citizenship education policies and the citizenship competencies that students should acquire. This makes it essential to develop students' democratic citizenship competencies. In this context, the research aims to determine the democratic citizenship competencies necessary for secondary school students to participate in public life in a democratic country as active individuals. A mixed method was used in the research. The Delphi technique was utilized, and purposive sampling was used to increase the diversity of participants and data. Delphi panelists were selected from academicians, independent researchers, school administrators, and teachers directly interested in citizenship, citizenship education, democratic citizenship/citizenship education, democracy, and human rights. Sixty-one panelists participated in the 1st Delphi round, 8 in the confirmation round, and 44 in the 2nd Delphi round. In the 1st Delphi round, data was collected with a single open-ended question and analyzed through descriptive analysis. Thus, for democratic citizenship, competencies in line with the panelists' opinions, knowledge, skills, values, attitudes, and tendencies were determined, and dimensions related to the subject were created. The dimensions determined in the 1st Delphi round and the themes, categories, and items forming these dimensions were presented to the panelists for their opinions in the approval round. As a result of the approval round, the dimensions forming democratic citizenship competencies were rearranged. In order to reach a consensus, the items forming the dimensions of Democratic Citizenship Education (DCE) were presented to the panelists for scoring in the 2nd Delphi round. The quantitative data obtained in this round were analyzed using the SPSS 25 program statistical analyses. In the study, three dimensions (cognitive, affectivel, and skill) reflecting the Democratic Citizenship Competencies (DCC) were determined. It is seen that the dimensions forming the DCC are related to multiculturalism, understanding, dialogue, communication, establishing connections, democratic participation, moral responsibility, critical understanding, independent learning, mutual respect, and tolerance. The dimensions determined in line with the DCC can be used as an analytical tool by those preparing the curriculum, administrators, and teachers. These dimensions can also guide the determination of the direction and goals of DCE. Teachers can benefit from these dimensions developed in their in-class and out-of-class teaching planning, implementation, and evaluation stages. Küresel düzeydeki gelişmeler ülkelerin vatandaşlık eğitimi politikalarını ve öğrencilerin edinmesi gereken vatandaşlık yeterliklerini önemli ölçüde etkilemektedir. Bu durum, öğrencilerin demokratik vatandaşlık yeterliklerinin geliştirilmesini önemli hâle getirmektedir. Bu kapsamda araştırma, ortaokul öğrencilerinin aktif birer birey olarak demokratik bir ülkede kamusal yaşama katılmaları için gerekli olan demokratik vatandaşlık yeterliklerini belirlemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Araştırmada karma yöntem kullanılmıştır. Katılımcı ve veri çeşitliliğini arttırmak için Delphi tekniğinden yararlanılmış ve amaçlı örneklem kullanılmıştır. Delphi panelistleri; vatandaşlık, vatandaşlık eğitimi, demokratik vatandaşlık/vatandaşlık eğitimi, demokrasi, insan hakları konularıyla doğrudan ilgili olan akademisyen, bağımsız araştırmacı, okul yöneticileri ve öğretmeler arasından seçilmiştir. I. Delphi turuna, 61; onay turuna, 8; II. Delphi turuna ise 44 panelist katılmıştır. I. Delphi Turu’nda veriler, açık uçlu tek bir soru ile toplanmış ve betimsel analiz ile çözümlenmiştir. Böylece panelistlerin görüşleri doğrultusunda demokratik vatandaşlık yeterlikleri için; bilgi, beceri, değer, tutum ve eğilimler belirlenerek konuyla ilgili boyutlar oluşturulmuştur. I. Delphi turunda belirlenen boyutlar ve bu boyutları oluşturan tema, kategori ve maddeler, onay turunda panelistlerin görüşlerine sunulmuştur. Onay turu sonucunda demokratik vatandaşlık yeterliklerini oluşturan boyutlar yeniden düzenlenmiştir. Üzerinde uzlaşma sağlayabilmek amacıyla, Demokratik Vatandaşlık Eğitimi (DVE) boyutlarını oluşturan maddeler II. Delphi turunda panelistlerin puanlamasına sunulmuştur. Bu turda elde edilen nicel veriler SPSS 25 programında istatiksel analizlerle çözümlenmiştir. Araştırmada, Demokratik Vatandaşlık Yeterlikleri’ni (DVY) yansıtan üç boyut (bilişsel, duyuşsal ve beceri) belirlenmiştir. Demokratik Vatandaşlık Yeterliklerini oluşturan boyutların; çok kültürlülük, anlayış, diyalog, iletişim, bağlantı kurma, demokratik katılım, ahlaki sorumluluk, eleştirel anlayış, bağımsız öğrenme, karşılıklı saygı ve hoşgörü ile ilgili olduğu görülmektedir. DVY doğrultusunda belirlenen boyutlar, öğretim programı hazırlayanlar, yöneticiler ve öğretmenler tarafından analitik bir araç olarak kullanılabilir. Bu boyutlar, ayrıca DVE’nin yönünü belirlemek ve amaçlarını ortaya koymak konusunda rehberlik edebilir. Öğretmenler, sınıf içi ve sınıf dışı öğretimlerini planlama, uygulama ve değerlendirme aşamasında geliştirilen bu boyutlardan istifade edebilirler.

Highlights:* There is a lack of resources and examples of good practice in citizenship education and relevant assessment tools for the teachers to transform and use in their practices.* The teachers experience a lack of pedagogical approaches to work with designing learning activities to enhance normative changes and values relevant to citizenship education.* Teachers experience a lack of time to foster student citizenship competence* When personal opinions are at stake, some teachers find it difficult to give appropriate feedback to non-democratic values and attitudes.* School systems’ and parents’ expectations of high-stakes summative feedback influence teachers’ hesitation to perform formative assessment in citizenship education.Purpose:This study investigates the challenges faced by European teachers when assessing student learning of democratic citizenship competences by asking about their experiences and opinions in their teaching practices.Design/methodology/approach:Through focus group interviews conducted with the teachers, we investigate the underlying reasons for teachers’ choices of using certain forms of assessment methods while excluding other methods. This paper presents the analysis of interviews with 82 schoolteachers from lower secondary schools in eight European countries (average 19 years of teaching experience) participating in an Erasmus + projectFindings:The teachers’ responses uncover a need for teachers to be better equipped with relevant knowledge, tools and approaches to practice formative assessment to develop students’ democratic citizenship competences. The current common understanding of the summative assessment of knowledge using simple and standardised tools poses one of the main challenges for teachers to use formative assessment methods.Practical implications:The focus on summative assessment significantly limits the teachers’ room to work on democratic citizenship competence. There is a need to strengthen this as a democratic citizenship education as a cross-curricular element in education, with an emphasis on formative assessment, to monitor and support students’ democratic values and attitudes.

Highlights:* Adi-Adian is an initiative of human rights and peace education implemented at the schools of the Basque Country and related to the experience of victims of political violence* ThisAdi-Adianinitiativehas been applied atTeacher Training School upon future teachers of Primary School* The testimony of victims has proven to be effective at rising the empathy and the comprehension of other point of viewsPurpose:The Basque Country has been suffering political conflict and human rights´ violation for decades, tearing the social fabric. Human rights and peace education carried out through the testimony of the victims and their memory about this recent violent past can play an essential role in reestablishing the social understanding. This article aims to make known the experience of Adi-Adian initiative developed with the victims of the politic violence in the Teacher Training School of the University of Basque Country and asses its effectiveness in terms of critical thinking and empathy.Design/methodology/approach:This research is based on group discussion and personal surveys focused on students´ feedback as a suitable method to analyze the way of thinking of students, their feelings and opinions about the violence.Findings:The results indicate that these initiatives implemented at school might be suitable to achieve the goals of human rights and peace education and deepen on democratic citizenship.

This study compared adult learning and education (ALE) programmes for promoting active democratic citizenship (ADC) in India and Nigeria by focusing on the aims of ALE, national education policies, and the main challenges confronting adult citizenship education. We adopted a theoretical framework which is an integration of multiple orientations of citizenship, including the liberal-democratic, communitarian, and republican traditions. The methodology comprised a document analysis of selected policies and reports. The findings highlight both the achievements and challenges faced by each country in fostering civic engagement. In India, ADC elements were embedded within broader socioeconomic development programmes, whereas in Nigeria, formal and non-formal education systems were pivotal in promoting ADC. However, both nations grappled with systemic barriers such as limited accessibility, policy instability, and sociocultural barriers. The study offers insights into the role of ALE programmes and government policies in fostering ADC in developing economies and multicultural nations.

Precarity and Belonging examines how the movement of people and their incorporation, marginalization, and exclusion, under epochal conditions of labor and social precarity affecting both citizens and noncitizens, have challenged older notions of citizenship and alienage. This collection brings mobility, precarity, and citizenship together in order to explore the points of contact and friction, and, thus, the spaces for a possible politics of commonality between citizens and noncitizens.The editors ask: What does modern citizenship mean in a world of citizens, denizens, and noncitizens, such as undocumented migrants, guest workers, permanent residents, refugees, detainees, and stateless people? How is the concept of citizenship, based on assumptions of deservingness, legality, and productivity, challenged when people of various and competing statuses and differential citizenship practices interact with each other, revealing their co-constitutive connections? How is citizenship valued or revalued when labor and social precarity impact those who seemingly have formal rights and those who seemingly or effectively do not? This book interrogates such binaries as citizen/noncitizen, insider/outsider, entitled/unentitled, \"legal\"/\"illegal,\" and deserving/undeserving in order to explore the fluidity--that is, the dynamism and malleability--of the spectra of belonging.    

The article defends ubuntu against the assault by Enslin and Horsthemke (Comp Educ 40(4):545–558, 2004 ). It challenges claims that the Africanist/Afrocentrist project, in which the philosophy of ubuntu is central, faces numerous problems, involves substantial political, moral, epistemological and educational errors, and should therefore not be the basis for education for democratic citizenship in the South African context. The article finds coincidence between some of the values implicit in ubuntu and some of the values that are enshrined in the constitution of South Africa and that on that basis argues that ubuntu has the potential to serve as a moral theory and a public policy. The educational upshot of this article’s argument is that South Africa’s educational policy framework not only places a high premium on ubuntu, which it conceives as human dignity, but it also requires the schooling system to promote ubuntu-oriented attributes and dispositions among the learners. The article finds similarities between ubuntu and bildung, whose key advocates, among others was German scholar and intellectual Wilhelm von Humboldt. It argues that it would be ethnocentric, and indeed silly to suggest that the ubuntu ethic of caring and sharing is uniquely African when some of the values which it seeks to promote can also be traced in various Eurasian philosophies.

South Africa has a long history as one of the most liberal constitutions in Africa and the world at large. The country's bill of rights, which is the cornerstone of its democracy, protects the rights of everyone. Nevertheless, there have been incessant reports of xenophobic attacks by South Africans against noncitizens, which have deteriorated intensely since end of the apartheid regime and the return to democracy in 1994. In South Africa, xenophobic incidents have had terrible repercussions, including fatalities, evictions, and unstable economies. This study investigates how democratic citizenship can help reduce xenophobia in South Africa. We examine the connection between four-dimensional understandings of citizenship, namely: rights, membership, participation, and identity; civic engagement; xenophobic sentiments; and democratic citizenship, using a desktop and historical approach. According to our findings, civic enlightenment about democratic citizenship considerably lowers xenophobic sentiments and raises their tolerance for foreigners. This is done by expanding the frontiers of the bourgeoning concept of ‘democratic citizenship’ where immigrants and host citizens see each other as stakeholders in the South African project. The results of this study guide policy initiatives meant to combat xenophobia and advance tolerance. Along with encouraging democratic citizenship and social cohesiveness, it also helps establish evidence-based strategies to combat xenophobia in South Africa.

Assessments, in particular high stakes assessments, impact the nature of teaching and learning. Given this, the goal of citizenship if seen as important needs to feature within high stakes school exit assessments rather than only as part of curriculum and assessment policy rhetoric. South Africa’s Mathematical Literacy (ML) curriculum foregrounds critical democratic citizenship. We analyse the ML Grade 12 exit assessments from their start in 2008 to 2020 to understand the emphasis placed on critical citizenship and how this emphasis has shifted over time. The literature base links critical citizenship orientations with reasoning and reflecting questions, so we focused on examination questions in this category. Our findings show shifts away from critical citizenship related agendas towards foregrounding a life preparation orientation for the self-managing person. Linked with this shift, we note a move away from general societal contexts towards more personal/individual contexts and moves from almost entirely national contexts to inclusion of global contexts. We noted movement from more open-phrased questions towards closed ‘check figure calculated is valid’-type questions. Assessment memoranda suggest assessors view these questions as reasoning items, eroding the critical citizenship agenda. While increasing numbers of students are taking ML rather than Mathematics, average performance stands at around 40%. This points to limited and diminishing access to mathematical reasoning and reflecting for critical democratic citizenship. The paper highlights ways in which analysis of examinations over time can provide a window into the presence or absence of the citizenship agenda in mathematics education.

The recent rise of authoritarian populism, fueled by the spread of digital hate speech and the preeminence of emotions in the political arena, has not aroused much interest among educational researchers. In response to this gap in the literature, the authors of the present article aim to provide an overview of the educational implications of the recent wave of authoritarian populism by interviewing a group of experts on democratic citizenship education from various countries and backgrounds. The dialogue resulting from their responses helps to move forward the educational debate on how schools can deal with the emotions and hate speech that motivate support for authoritarian populisms.

Highlights:– Civics teachers face challenges in offering male vocational students quality citizenship education.– Civics teachers perceive this student group as vulnerable and in need of extra support.– When unable to offer desired civics education, teachers feel angry and resigned.– Civics teachers are willing to bend certain rules to support this particular student group.– If this student group lacks better civics education, their future and Sweden's democracy are at risk.Purpose: This paper examines how vocational civics teachers navigate structural constraints and their understanding of the challenges involved in preparing vocational students for democratic citizenship.Design/methodology/approach: Using a discoursive psychological approach to analyse interview material, the study discusses identified discourses about critical policy analysis and street-level bureaucracy theory.Findings: The findings reveal that the structure of vocational upper-secondary education significantly constrains civics teachers. Teachers oscillate between feelings of compassion, anger, resignation, and rebellion as they attempt to manage these challenges.Research limitations/implications: The study highlights the need for further ethnographic research on teaching practices.Practical implications: A significant number of Swedish upper-secondary students receive a limited civics education that inadequately prepares them for democratic citizenship.