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This paper analyzes the demographic responses of the large slaver land holders of Rio de Janeiro, to the British pressure to end slavery in the Atlantic Ocean. It places special emphasis on the decades of 1810 and 1820, although it covers a longer period in lesser detail. The article questions the idea, widely disseminated in Brazilian historiography, that the internal slave trade in Brazil was enough to respond to the demands of growing slaver plantations and, therefore, that the natural positive growth of the slave population and of slavery were incompatible variables in colonial and imperial Brazil.

This paper analyzes the demographic responses of the large slaver land holders of Rio de Janeiro, to the British pressure to end slavery in the Atlantic Ocean. It places special emphasis on the decades of 1810 and 1820, although it covers a longer period in lesser detail. The article questions the idea, widely disseminated in Brazilian historiography, that the internal slave trade in Brazil was enough to respond to the demands of growing slaver plantations and, therefore, that the natural positive growth of the slave population and of slavery were incompatible variables in colonial and imperial Brazil. O presente trabalho trata das respostas demográficas dos grandes fazendeiros escravistas do Rio de Janeiro às pressões britânicas pelo fim do tráfico atlântico de escravos, com ênfase para as décadas de 1810 e de 1820, embora tangencie período maior. Nele questiona-se a ideia, amplamente disseminada na historiografia brasileira sobre a escravidão, de que o tráfico interno de escrava bastava para atender às demandas da plantation escravista em crescimento e, por conseguinte, que crescimento natural positivo da população escrava e escravidão eram variáveis incompatíveis no Brasil colonial e imperial. El presente trabajo analiza las respuestas demográficas de los grandes hacendados esclavistas de Rio de Janeiro, a las presiones británicas por el fin de la trata de esclavos en el Atlántico. Estudia con especial énfasis las décadas de 1810 y 1820, aunque tangencialmente revisa un período más largo. Se cuestiona la idea, ampliamente diseminada en la historiografía brasileña sobre la esclavitud, de que la trata interna de esclavos era suficiente para atender a las demandas de la plantation esclavista en crecimiento y, por consiguiente, que crecimiento natural positivo de la población esclava y esclavitud eran variables incompatibles en el Brasil colonial e imperial.

El presente trabajo analiza las respuestas demográficas de los grandes hacendados esclavistas de Rio de Janeiro, a las presiones británicas por el fin de la trata de esclavos en el Atlántico. Estudia con especial énfasis las décadas de 1810 y 1820, aunque tangencialmente revisa un período más largo. Se cuestiona la idea, ampliamente diseminada en la historiografía brasileña sobre la esclavitud, de que la trata interna de esclavos era suficiente para atender a las demandas de la plantation esclavista en crecimiento y, por consiguiente, que crecimiento natural positivo de la población esclava y esclavitud eran variables incompatibles en el Brasil colonial e imperial.

Dryden and Nnorom discuss how to dismantle systemic anti-Black racism in medicine in Canada. Health care workers must acknowledge the existence of anti-Black racism in their systems and commit to meaningful, sustained change. They can do this by listening to the voices of Black Canadians, patients and health care professionals who have been grappling with anti-Black racism for generations, and by engaging with the many communities that have made recommendations for meaningful change to address the problem. The Black Experiences in Healthcare Report 2020 is an excellent resource for physicians across the country to educate themselves regarding the experiences of Black Canadian patients. Recommendations for change include training health care providers in anti-racism, anti-oppression and decolonialization, as well as routinely collecting race-based data in partnership with racialized communities. Finally, the Black Medical Student Association of Canada provides recommendations for medical schools to address anti-Black racism in medical education and admissions, and outlines the need for medical reform to be guided by critical race theory.

In August 2014, the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) attacked the Yazidi religious minority living in the area of Mount Sinjar in Nineveh governorate, Iraq. We conducted a retrospective household survey to estimate the number and demographic profile of Yazidis killed and kidnapped. The survey covered the displaced Yazidi population from Sinjar residing in camps in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Fieldwork took place between 4 November and 25 December, 2015. A systematic random sample of 1,300 in-camp households were interviewed about the current household composition and any killings and kidnappings of household members by ISIS. Of the 1,300 interviewed households, 988 were Yazidi from Sinjar. Yazidi households contained 6,572 living residents at the time of the survey; 43 killings and 83 kidnappings of household members were reported. We calculated the probability of being killed and kidnapped by dividing the number of reported killings and kidnappings by the number of sampled Yazidis at risk, adjusting for sampling design. To obtain the overall toll of killings and kidnappings, those probabilities were multiplied by the total Yazidi population living in Sinjar at the time of the ISIS attack, estimated at roughly 400,000 by the United Nations and Kurdish officials. The demographic profile of those killed and kidnapped was examined, distinguishing between children and adults and females and males. We estimated that 2.5% of the Yazidi population was either killed or kidnapped over the course of a few days in August 2014, amounting to 9,900 (95% CI 7,000-13,900) people in total. An estimated 3,100 (95% CI 2,100-4,400) Yazidis were killed, with nearly half of them executed-either shot, beheaded, or burned alive-while the rest died on Mount Sinjar from starvation, dehydration, or injuries during the ISIS siege. The estimated number kidnapped is 6,800 (95% CI 4,200-10,800). Escapees recounted the abuses they had suffered, including forced religious conversion, torture, and sex slavery. Over one-third of those reported kidnapped were still missing at the time of the survey. All Yazidis were targeted regardless of age and sex, but children were disproportionately affected. They were as likely as adults to be executed but constituted 93.0% (95% CI 71.9-98.6) of those who died on Mount Sinjar. Moreover, children only accounted for 18.8% (95% CI 8.4-36.9) of those who managed to escape captivity. A sensitivity analysis suggests that the actual toll of killings and kidnappings may be underestimated in our data because of survival bias. The uncertainty associated with inference from a small sample of in-camp households and the reliance on a rough figure of 400,000 for extrapolation to the total Yazidi population of Sinjar at the time of the ISIS attack are the main limitations of this study. Consistent with other existing evidence, our data provide a clear indication of the severity of the ISIS attack against the Yazidis in terms of both the number and demographic profile of those targeted.

What are the historical conditions and political imperatives of \"abolition\" as a contemporary praxis? How does abolition generate a radical critique of carceral power - of \"incarceration\" as a logic of state and social formation? What are the limitations of liberal-to-progressive demands to reform (allegedly) dysfunctional and/or scandalous systems of legitimated state violence (for example, \"mass incarceration\" or \"police brutality\")? How does abolitionist praxis facilitate notions of freedom, justice, security, and community that do not rely on systems of carceral state power, including but not limited to criminal justice, policing, and (domestic) militarization/war?

Black women in the United States (U.S.) disproportionately experience adverse pregnancy outcomes, including maternal mortality, compared to women of other racial and ethnic groups. Historical legacies of institutionalized racism and bias in medicine compound this problem. The disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on communities of color may further worsen existing racial disparities in maternal morbidity and mortality. This paper discusses structural and social determinants of racial disparities with a focus on the Black maternal mortality crisis in the United States. We explore how structural racism contributes to a greater risk of adverse obstetric outcomes among Black women in the U.S. We also propose public health, healthcare systems, and community-engaged approaches to decrease racial disparities in maternal morbidity and mortality.

“Self-deportation” is a concept to explain the removal strategy of making life so unbearable for a group that its members will leave a place. The term is strongly associated with recent state and municipal attempts to “attack every aspect of an illegal alien’s life,” including the ability to find employment and housing, drive a vehicle, make contracts, and attend school. However, self-deportation has a longer history, one that predates and made possible the establishment of the United States. As this Article shows, American colonists pursued this indirect approach to remove native peoples as a prerequisite for establishing and growing their settlements. The new nation then adopted this approach to Indian removal and debated using self-deportation to remove freed slaves; later, states and municipalities embraced self-deportation to keep blacks out of their jurisdictions and drive out the Chinese. After the creation of the individual deportation system, the logic of self-deportation began to work through the threat of direct deportation. This threat burgeoned with Congress’s expansion of the grounds of deportability during the twentieth century and affects the lives of an estimated 22 million unauthorized persons in the United States today. This Article examines the mechanics of self-deportation and tracks the policy’s development through its application to groups unwanted as members of the American polity. The approach works through a delegation of power to public and private entities who create subordinating conditions for a targeted group. Governments have long used preemption as a tool to limit the power they cede to these entities. In the United States, this pattern of preemption establishes federal supremacy in the arena of removal: Cyclically, courts have struck down state and municipal attempts to adopt independent self-deportation regimes, and each time, the executive and legislative branches have responded by building up the direct deportation system. The history of self-deportation shows that the specific property interests driving this approach to removal shifted after abolition, from taking control of lands to controlling labor by placing conditions upon presence. This Article identifies subordination as a primary mode of regulating migration in America, which direct deportations both supplement and fuel. It highlights the role that this approach to removal has played in producing the landscape of uneven racial distributions of power and property that is the present context in which it works. It shows that recognizing self-deportation and its relationship to the direct deportation system is critical for understanding the dynamics of immigration law and policy as a whole.

A number of high-profile and racially charged killings, such as Trayvon Martin's, Kenneth Herring's, Ahmaud Arbery's, and Jordan Neely's, have been at the hands of civilians declaring themselves the law. These deaths stemmed from a phenomenon best described as \"deputization.\" Deputization describes a latent legal power that has empowered White people throughout American history to claim authority to enforce the law, as they see it, upon racial minorities generally and Black people in particular. This power turned the ancient common law duty to police all felons in England into a specific American common law duty to police Blacks. From the founding clauses of the Constitution to the Fugitive Slave Acts, to the birth of racist citizen's arrest laws, there has always been an implicit understanding that part of Whiteness in America is a privilege to use private force to police Black people. A number of high-profile and racially charged killings, such as Trayvon Martin's, Kenneth Herring's, Ahmaud Arbery's, and Jordan Neely's, have been at the hands of civilians declaring themselves the law. These deaths stemmed from a phenomenon best described as \"deputization.\" Deputization describes a latent legal power that has empowered White people throughout American history to claim authority to enforce the law, as they see it, upon racial minorities generally and Black people in particular. This power turned the ancient common law duty to police all felons in England into a specific American common law duty to police Blacks. From the founding clauses of the Constitution to the Fugitive Slave Acts, to the birth of racist citizen's arrest laws, there has always been an implicit understanding that part of Whiteness in America is a privilege to use private force to police Black people. Deputization adds to the literature by focusing not only on racist state-sponsored violence but the privilege of racist private violence. Indeed, \"deputization\" is a more potent danger for Black Americans than racist policing. First, as a matter of magnitude, White Americans' inherited assumption that they are authorized to violently enforce the law upon Black people dwarfs the reach of the police. Second, deputization is clothed in claims of legal authority; its power is amplified because those who act upon it feel they are in the right. Lastly, deputization shapes the way in which Black Americans so often move through the world: cautious, alert, or angry; their lives truncated, metaphorically and literally, by the awareness that White people around them claim a power to police them at any time. Importantly, deputization presents a unique legal challenge because those who impose racial violence in its name do not fear the law; they are confident that they are both authorized by and reinforcing the law. This Article further places deputization in the context of two important areas of criminal theory. It shows how deputization presents another front in understanding critical race theories of criminal law. Simultaneously, it shows why civic, equality-based political theories are particularly insightful in identifying the harms deputization does to our civic bonds. Lastly, this Article shows the lessons of deputization can draw from criminal law abolitionism about the need to change deeper structures than policing while simultaneously cautioning of the dangers of private violence rushing to fill the void.

Standard measures of residential segregation tend to equate spatial with social proximity. This assumption has been increasingly subject to critique among demographers and ethnographers and becomes especially problematic in historical settings. In the late nineteenth-century United States, standard measures suggest a counterintuitive pattern: southern cities, with their long history of racial inequality, had less residential segregation than urban areas considered to be more racially tolerant. By using census enumeration procedures, we develop a sequence measure that captures a more subtle \"backyard\" pattern of segregation, where white families dominated front streets and blacks were relegated to alleys. Our analysis of complete household data from the 1880 Census documents how segregation took various forms across the postbellum United States. Whereas northern cities developed segregation via racialized neighborhoods, substituting residential inequality for the status inequality of slavery, southern cities embraced street-front segregation that reproduced the racial inequality that existed under slavery.