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Understanding what motivates a woman to deradicalise or disengage from a terrorist organisation remains among the less explored academic topics today. This study explores the reasons why thirteen women in Spain either began their process of disengagement from IS, and/or initiated a change in their belief system. The research is based on personal interviews with inmates linked to the Islamic State, as well as with prison officials, psychologists, and educators. The article shows that the decision to stop deviant behaviour, or the experience of a cognitive rejection of beliefs, was preceded by disenchantment, the acquisition of new goals, or the feeling of being accepted by and/or integrated into new social networks.

South Africa has seen a surge in student protests, with virtually every institution of higher education experiencing some degree of disrupted productivity. This paper is a theoretical argument that presents the proponents of decoloniality as a tool to deradicalise students’ minds against radical student unrest in the university system and answers the question of how to deradicalise student unrest using decoloniality as a tool. The study is located with a transformative worldview, and the argument was analysed using conceptual analysis to make sense of the argument. The study is structured to explain what decoloniality is in relation to decoloniality of the minds, the assumptions, and its correlational evidence with the deradicalisation of student unrest. The findings revealed that disrupting colonial ideologies, knowledge reclamation, changing discourse structures, and decolonising practices are dimensions needed to decolonise student mindset towards deradicalisation of student unrest. The study concludes that these dimensions are the potential for peace and tranquility in the university system.

Under Australia’s counter-terrorism laws, sentenced offenders face the possibility of continuing detention for rolling three-year periods after serving a term of imprisonment. At both stages of decision-making – sentencing and post-sentence – Australian courts favour punishment, deterrence and community protection over the need to rehabilitate offenders. The need to pre-empt terrorist risks is clear, but these processes lack a sufficient evidence base about recidivism and risk assessment. In this article, I compare, contrast and critically analyse decision-making processes followed by Australian courts when making decisions about imprisonment in terrorism cases. These decisions are made at two different stages: (1) initial sentencing under criminal offences for terrorism, and (2) post-sentence under a Continuing Detention Order (CDO) scheme. Whereas initial sentencing decisions are made under criminal law and impose punishment on offenders, CDOs fall under civil law and are considered non-punitive, even though they extend the initial punishment. Neither stage relies on a strong evidence base to predict future behaviour, and yet assumptions about future risk are given sufficient weight to justify ongoing deprivations of liberty and undermine core principles of criminal justice.

Boko Haram (BH) insurgency in Northeastern Nigeria has been extensively studied but much scholarly attention has not been given to Operation Safe Corridor (OPSC). Yet, it remains the most significant non-kinetic approaches to BH insurgency. This study examines the deradicalisation programme of OPSC, communities' receptivity to reintegrated ex-BH members (BHMs) and its effects on OPSC objectives and overall efforts at ending BH insurgency in Nigeria. Qualitative and quantitative data were collected and analysed for the study. Result revealed that OPSC has attracted demobilisation of BHMs. However, communities are unwilling to accept the ex-BHMs back due to the problems of distrust and widespread perception that government is prioritising the welfare ex-BHMs above the victims of their attrocies. In response, communities are attacking, stigmatising, keeping incommunicado as well as enforcing socio-economic blockade on the ex-BHMs reintegrated into their communities. In turn, reintegrated ex-BHMs are absconding communities and rejoining insurgents, frustrated into committing crimes and this is dis-incentivising BHMs who are willing to demobilise. This trend will make BH retain its deadliness and this will enhance the perpetuation of insurgency and insecurity in Nigeria. It is recommended that government should give more priority to victims of BH attacks as this may encourage community acceptance. It is also recommended that community-level transitional justice and reconciliation programmes should be set up to reconcile ex-BHMs with victims of their attacks.

Before the murders committed by Mohammad Merah in 2012, the French authorities dealt with terrorism almost exclusively as a problem of public order. Hence the country was late in producing measures to prevent radicalisation and violent extremism. Analysing how France’s utopian approach to deradicalisation shifted to more pragmatic measures of disengagement and primary prevention when tackling radicalisation, especially in its Islamic form, this article presents the successes and failures of the various plans implemented by France since 2014. Over time, these strategies, revised and improved (in particular, by means of interpreting the concept of radicalisation) culminated with the national Prevent to Protect strategy of 2018. Among other aspects, laicism, republican values, and the legal and educational systems have been mobilised.

The practice of public parades involving marches has been used historically by political and civic actors as a tool of helping to accomplish recognition of particular agendas or, at the very least, suggest a peaceful proclamation of justice within a democratic framework. Over the past two decades, The pride parade and The flag parade are drawing the attention of radical stakeholders in Israel whilst taking place in Jerusalem—a religiously divided space. Based on EU official reports and data from news reports and social media publications between 2002 and 2022, this paper examines religious extremists’ presence in the above parades, in parallel to the appearance of incitement, physical violence and vandalism. All as part of an ongoing Radicalisation process. In addition, it observes the establishment of The flower parade as a civic counter-response initiated by deradicalisation agents. The research reveals that under the values and rule of democracy, the mechanism of public parades can self-trigger a dynamic between participants and opposers, exploited by extreme collectives for violent purposes. It reflects upon a fundamental dispute between different interpretations of the connection between Judaism, nationality and family values in the light of the democratic framework. One is leading to religious-based exclusion agenda on the one hand, while the other is reacting with inclusion activities on the other.

Malaysia is no exception when it comes to the Daesh threat. Several vulnerable Muslim populations have been previously targeted by Daesh via specific modus operandi to fulfil the terrorism agenda. Based on a persistent concern about Daesh-related issues and their consequences, this article critically explores the role of the security agency, the Counter-Terrorism Division within the Royal Malaysia Police (RMP), in addressing Daesh radicalisation in Malaysia. It examines the process and effectiveness of the top down and ‘soft’ approaches undertaken by the RMP via the rehabilitation and deradicalisation of former Daesh detainees before they rejoin society. The research is qualitative, and is based on a focus group discussion and in-depth interviews with representatives from the Counter Terrorism Division, terrorism experts, government officials and former detainees. The findings show that the RMP’s efforts to curb Daesh intimidation have been effective in terms of decreasing the number of new terrorism incidents, militant recruitment and the establishment of networks and cells. The introduction of ‘Module 30′, which involves theological and psychological improvement, and civil order, along with vocational training and ‘lifelong-monitoring’, has significantly contributed to rehabilitating and deradicalising the majority of former Daesh convicts in Malaysia, such that they embrace peace and renounce violence and religious extremism.

This study examines deradicalisation programs in Belgium, Denmark, and Sweden, selected as contrasting yet representative democratic states with established security infrastructures. Using a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) with fuzzy sets, the research evaluates the effectiveness of these programs based on four key factors: state oversight and funding, integration of security forces, legal frameworks for information sharing, and voluntariness combined with trust-building approaches. Findings indicate that while all programs are effective within their national contexts, direct implementation in another country is complex. For the Czech Republic, the study recommends adopting elements from the Belgian and Swedish models, which emphasise trust-building and psychosocial support, and do not require full integration of security services. If legislative reforms enable broader information sharing, the more comprehensive Danish model could also be suitable. This research provides practical guidance for policymakers aiming to design or refine deradicalisation initiatives.

South Africa has seen a surge in student protests, with virtually every institution of higher education experiencing some degree of disrupted productivity. This paper is a theoretical argument that presents the proponents of decoloniality as a tool to deradicalise students’ minds against radical student unrest in the university system and answers the question of how to deradicalise student unrest using decoloniality as a tool. The study is located with a transformative worldview, and the argument was analysed using conceptual analysis to make sense of the argument. The study is structured to explain what decoloniality is in relation to decoloniality of the minds, the assumptions, and its correlational evidence with the deradicalisation of student unrest. The findings revealed that disrupting colonial ideologies, knowledge reclamation, changing discourse structures, and decolonising practices are dimensions needed to decolonise student mindset towards deradicalisation of student unrest. The study concludes that these dimensions are the potential for peace and tranquility in the university system.

This article examines the development of German policies aiming at the deradicalisation of extremists and terrorists which, originating in the late 1980s, were initially focused on left-wing terrorists. In the 1990s, the German authorities extended their funding to civil society initiatives which, in the 2000s, has led to the widespread adoption of deradicalisation initiatives. From 2012 onwards, Germany also started to implement far-reaching programmes which, focused on the social setting of jihadist extremists, have eventually come to constitute one of the world’s most diverse set of projects for preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE). While analysing the basic features of the German P/CVE, the article discusses essential lessons for other countries. The most salient German experiences are the diversity of the actors involved, the variety of sources of funding, and global standards of quality.