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By its virtue of not declaring any religion as State religion, the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria has been adjudged by many to be temporal, and Nigeria, a secular state. However, the level at which religion influences governance and vice versa has begged for the question, is Nigeria really a secular state? In this paper, we attempt an interrogation into the origins and radicalization of religiosity in Nigeria’s profanity. Adopting the Huntington’s Clash of Civilizations model as a framework, the work argues that the two preponderant religions – Islam and Christianity – have been in a serious struggle to influence the outlook, maintain status quo or exert control over the various levels of governments in Nigeria. The implication, the work has discovered, is that efforts by the government to appease these religious forces by maintaining equilibrium has culminated in institutional and structural reforms that have transformed the country’s political orientation, by action, to a theocratic diarchy amidst the aura of secularism. There is, therefore, a need for nomenclature revision.

Across Timor-Leste the reconstruction of ancestral origin houses has been a focus of immense personal and financial efforts since the end of the Indonesian occupation in 1999. I explore the rebuilding and inauguration of origin houses in the village of Funar, reoccupied by residents after their forcible resettlement elsewhere for over two decades. Examining how experiences of violence and displacement can engender new modes of identification, I consider the disparate assumptions about the nature and number of houses that came to the fore during these events. By juxtaposing monist and dualist presuppositions implicit in rival claims, I develop existing anthropological approaches to binary ideologies to conceptualize the ideological transformations that characterize postconflict recovery.

This chapter possesses a relative abundance of information on the Spartans' dyarchy, but this embarrassment of riches provides a complicated picture of the powers and prerogatives that the kings enjoyed both at home and in the field. The historian Herodotos, the Athenian historian Thucydides, and a number of other ancient authors furnish information about the dyarchy which counters such ideologically charged representations of Spartan kingship and which offers a very different picture of the Spartan kings' power and prerogatives. The evidence on Kleomenes I and Agesilaos II supports Paul Cloche's theory that while the Spartan kingship was constitutionally based, capable and determined dyarchs could successfully extend the purview of their functions without violating the law. Royal power essentially derived from a king's 'personal skill in exploiting the potentialities of the resources at his disposal, not directly from the kingship's position in the Spartan governmental hierarchy'.

This chapter analyses the ideas of Lionel Curtis, co-founder of the imperial pressure group the Round Table, concerning imperial citizenship. Curtis' ideas concerning imperial citizenship point to one of the central strands of the imperial thought web—the idea of union consecrated in an imperial citizenship. He believed that imperial federation held the key to world peace and provided the buttress of civilization. Though Curtis struggled to reconcile the existence of multiple loyalties within the Empire with the formation of a unified imperial state, his ideas were influential in framing the political evolution of Empire in the mid-twentieth century. Perhaps of greatest significance was his concept of dyarchy, which epitomized the British style of informal Empire.

Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif currently enjoys the political support of the army as well as the president, but his position in the constitution is inherently weak. The instability of Pakistan's dyarchical arrangement is discussed.