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A large literature in sociology concerns the implications of immigrants' participation in ethnic enclaves for their economic and social well-being. The \"enclave thesis\" speculates that immigrants benefit from working in ethnic enclaves. Previous research concerning the effects of enclave participation on immigrants' economic outcomes has come to mixed conclusions as to whether enclave effects are positive or negative. In this article, we seek to extend and improve upon past work by formulating testable hypotheses based on the enclave thesis and testing them with data from the 2003 New Immigrant Survey (NIS), employing both residence-based and workplace-based measures of the ethnic enclave. We compare the economic outcomes of immigrants working in ethnic enclaves with those of immigrants working in the mainstream economy. Our research yields minimal support for the enclave thesis. Our results further indicate that for some immigrant groups, ethnic enclave participation actually has a negative effect on economic outcomes.

Using a generational cohort method and the 1981 and 2006 Canadian Census 20 per cent sample files, this study examines whether the effects of three important determinants of self-employment – expected earnings differentials between paid and self-employment, difficulties in the labour market, and ethnic enclave – differ between immigrants and non-immigrants. Unemployment had a stronger push effect on self-employment among immigrant fathers than among Canadian-born fathers. Expected earnings differential had a stronger effect among Canadian-born fathers than among immigrant fathers. Sons of both immigrants and the Canadian-born were more strongly affected by expected earnings differentials than were their fathers, while unemployment was not a significant factor for them. Ethnic enclave was not positively associated with the self-employment rates among both immigrants and their children.

With original survey data, we contribute to a discussion of how segregation and poverty affect the performance of Mexican immigrant-owned storefronts in Los Angeles. We find that though both neighborhood segregation and poverty hinder performance as measured by the number of paid employees, poverty is more important. This was true even of businesses operating for 10 or more years. Although we find some support for the \"mixed economy\" and \"ethnic enclave\" theses, we find more support for the theory of concentrated disadvantages. We conclude that the spatial segregation of Mexicans in Los Angeles hinders the performance of Mexican-owned storefronts because of the social isolation it creates and even more so because segregation concentrates poverty. We also found that both our respondents' class background (in Mexico) and how soon they began to operate business in the formal economy (with legal capital) determines the number of paid employees they hire.

There is widespread concern in Europe and other refugee-receiving continents that living in an enclave of coethnics hinders refugees’ economic and social integration. Several European governments have adopted policies to geographically disperse refugees. While many theoretical arguments and descriptive studies analyze the impact of spatially concentrated ethnic networks on immigrant integration, there is limited causal evidence that sheds light on the efficacy of these policies. We provide evidence by studying the economic integration of refugees in Switzerland, where some refugees are assigned to live in a specific location upon arrival and, by law, are not permitted to relocate during the first 5 y. Leveraging this exogenous placement mechanism, we find that refugees assigned to locations with many conationals are more likely to enter the labor market. This benefit is most pronounced about 3 y after arrival and weakens somewhat with longer residency. In addition, we find that, among refugees employed by the same company, a high proportion share nationality, ethnicity, or language, which suggests that ethnic residential networks transmit information about employment opportunities. Together, these findings contribute to our understanding of the importance of ethnic networks for facilitating refugee integration, and they have implications for the design of refugee allocation policies.

This paper makes a seminal contribution to the ethnic entrepreneurship literature by analyzing the journeys of a single migrant community across three ethnic enclaves in three host-nation contexts. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 52 immigrant Punjabi-Pakistani entrepreneurs who started businesses in immigrant enclaves in the UK, Denmark, and Norway. “Three waves” of migrant entrepreneurs were identified based on their demographics, periods of migration, levels of education, access to social and financial resources, and the impact of the host country’s social and institutional structures. The typology presented distinguishes the first wave, the older generation, as “pushed-displaced,” the second wave of the mid-aged generation as “pulled-transnational,” and the third wave of recent graduates and mid-career professionals as “pushed-frustraters.” The findings revealed the raison d’être for cross-national embeddedness variation in the host country’s economic, social, and institutional contexts, and individuals’ experiences of racial discrimination and exclusion. The results highlight that adopting an ethnic enclave strategy by lending the social capital and access to an “acquainted mentor,” usually from the first-wave entrepreneurs, has been the key success factor for the start-up, survival, and growth of the second- and third-wave immigrant businesses. The paper provide guidelines to make the appropriate social and regulatory interventions needed to eradicate racial discrimination and institutional barriers to stimulate immigrant entrepreneurship in these countries.Plain English SummaryUnderstanding the importance of immigrant entrepreneurship in today's globalised world is crucial for economic, political, and social development. This study is one of the first in the field to explore one immigrant community’s entrepreneurship experiences across three different countries. A typology of three different types of immigrant entrepreneurs is identified based on time and space: namely, the displaced, the transnational, and the frustrated. The results show that the UK presents more adverse and racialised experiences for immigrant business start-up in comparison to Denmark and especially., Norway. This paper contributes to discourse of intra-ethnic variation, transnationalism, and mixed embeddedness.

The main purpose of this article is to investigate the relationship between (objective) network structures of individual immigrants and their (subjective) expectations regarding access to social capital. Based on a government-funded original dataset collected on ethnic Koreans living in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, this study probes into how the way in which an individual (i.e., ego) is tied with his or her close social contacts (i.e., alters) is associated with perceived social support from them. In highlighting this causal linkage, two network concepts are explored as possible mechanisms: closure (Coleman 1988) and brokerage (Burt 1992). The findings from empirical analyses lend support for the brokerage argument. Ceteris paribus, immigrants whose egocentric networks are characterized by openness and disconnectedness (i.e., filled with more ‘structural holes’ or nonredundant contacts) are more likely to believe that they can receive assistance from their close friends and relatives in times of need.

Engaging in one’s neighborhood fosters independence, promotes social connectedness, improves quality of life, and increases life expectancy in older adults. There is a lack of evidence synthesis on immigrant older adults’ neighborhood perceptions and experiences, essential for addressing neighborhood-level influences on aging in place. This study systematically synthesizes qualitative evidence on immigrant older adults’ perceptions and experiences of their neighborhoods. A comprehensive search was conducted from inception to 5 April 2023, in multiple databases. This review considered studies including immigrant older adults aged ≥60 years, included studies from any country where the neighborhood was the focus, and only considered qualitative data while excluding review studies, theoretical publications, and protocols. Eligible studies were appraised using the JBI critical appraisal checklist for qualitative research. The Joanna Briggs Institute meta-aggregation approach was used to synthesize findings, and the ConQual approach established confidence in the synthesis. A total of 30 studies were included. Most studies were conducted in North America and explored phenomena such as aging in place, social capital, social cohesion, sense of community, and life satisfaction. Key contextual factors were walkable safe access to social spaces, accessible transportation to amenities, social cohesion with neighbors, and pre-migration neighborhood experiences. Immigrant older adults have varied experiences related to their sense of belonging and social cohesion. Factors such as racial discrimination, feeling unsafe, and social isolation contributed to negative perceptions. This review highlights the need for inclusive neighborhoods that align with the needs and values of immigrant older adults aging in place.

Background Residence in ethnic enclaves and nativity are both associated with survival in Hispanic patients with cancer, although their prognostic significance in patients with hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) is unknown. We aimed to determine the association between nativity, neighborhood socioeconomic status (nSES), and ethnic enclave residency with overall survival in Hispanic patients with HCC. Methods Hispanic patients diagnosed with HCC from 2004 to 2017 were identified in the Texas Cancer Registry. Existing indices were applied to tract-level 2000 US Census data to measure enclave residence and nSES. Enclaves were defined by seven measures. Multivariable Cox proportional hazard models were used to evaluate the association between nativity, enclave residency, and nSES with survival. Results Among 9496 Hispanic patients with HCC, 2283 (24%) were foreign-born. Compared with US-born Hispanic patients, foreign-born Hispanic patients were less likely to present with localized HCC (45.3% vs. 48.8%, p  = 0.03) and less likely to receive HCC treatment (53.9% vs. 47.6%, p  < 0.001); however, foreign-born Hispanic patients had lower mortality in adjusted models (adjusted hazard ratio [aHR] 0.86, 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.79–0.93). Neighborhood SES, but not enclave residence, was also associated with overall survival. Compared with those in low nSES non-enclaves, Hispanic patients in high nSES neighborhoods, with either enclave (aHR 0.80, 95% CI 0.72–0.88) or non-enclave (aHR 0.89, 95% CI 0.80–0.98) residence status and low nSES enclaves (aHR 0.93, 95% CI 0.86–0.98) had improved survival. Conclusion In Hispanic patients with HCC, foreign birthplace and higher nSES, but not enclave residence, are associated with improved survival. Additional research on intersectionality between ethnicity, nativity, and neighborhood context is warranted.

The U.S. took in more than a million immigrants per year in the late 1990s, more than at any other time in history. For humanitarian and many other reasons, this may be good news. But as George Borjas shows inHeaven's Door, it's decidedly mixed news for the American economy--and positively bad news for the country's poorest citizens. Widely regarded as the country's leading immigration economist, Borjas presents the most comprehensive, accessible, and up-to-date account yet of the economic impact of recent immigration on America. He reveals that the benefits of immigration have been greatly exaggerated and that, if we allow immigration to continue unabated and unmodified, we are supporting an astonishing transfer of wealth from the poorest people in the country, who are disproportionately minorities, to the richest. In the course of the book, Borjas carefully analyzes immigrants' skills, national origins, welfare use, economic mobility, and impact on the labor market, and he makes groundbreaking use of new data to trace current trends in ethnic segregation. He also evaluates the implications of the evidence for the type of immigration policy the that U.S. should pursue. Some of his findings are dramatic: Despite estimates that range into hundreds of billions of dollars, net annual gains from immigration are only about $8 billion. In dragging down wages, immigration currently shifts about $160 billion per year from workers to employers and users of immigrants' services. Immigrants today are less skilled than their predecessors, more likely to re-quire public assistance, and far more likely to have children who remain in poor, segregated communities. Borjas considers the moral arguments against restricting immigration and writes eloquently about his own past as an immigrant from Cuba. But he concludes that in the current economic climate--which is less conducive to mass immigration of unskilled labor than past eras--it would be fair and wise to return immigration to the levels of the 1970s (roughly 500,000 per year) and institute policies to favor more skilled immigrants.

Few studies have considered the role of immigration in the rise of gentrification in the late twentieth century. Analysis of U.S. Census and American Community Survey data over 24 years and field surveys of gentrification in low-income neighborhoods across 23 U.S. cities reveal that most gentrifying neighborhoods were \"global\" in the 1970s or became so over time. An early presence of Asians was positively associated with gentrification; and an early presence of Hispanics was positively associated with gentrification in neighborhoods with substantial shares of blacks and negatively associated with gentrification in cities with high Hispanic growth, where ethnic enclaves were more likely to form. Low-income, predominantly black neighborhoods and neighborhoods that became Asian and Hispanic destinations remained ungentrified despite the growth of gentrification during the late twentieth century. The findings suggest that the rise of immigration after 1965 brought pioneers to many low-income central-city neighborhoods, spurring gentrification in some neighborhoods and forming ethnic enclaves in others.