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This article examines the political and philosophical debates between King Chongjo and the scholar-officials regarding the legitimacy of faction-centered versus king-centered governance in late Choson Korea. While previous scholarship has focused on King Chongjo's perspective, which sought to diminish the factions by implementing king-centered politics, this study provided a balanced analysis of both arguments. It demonstrates how both sides drew upon the concept of \"imperial pivot\" from the Shujing to support their conflicting positions, particularly through the writings of Chong Chon'gyom (1722-1794) who defended faction-centered politics and supported scholar-officials as a check against royal authority and Chong Yagyong (1762-1836) who criticized faction-centered politics and supported the strengthened royal power while criticizing factional excesses.

Objective/Context: What characteristics does the presidential primary system adopt? And what are the effects of the primaries on the Honduran political system? Honduras is among the precursor countries in Latin America to adopt the primary system as a mechanism of internal democracy within party structures to select their presidential, legislative, and municipal candidates. Although parties are not obliged to use primaries to select their candidates, the law mandates it for those political groups that have more than one internal movement. Thus, over the years, after eight experiences—in some political parties—the system has become established. The objective of this work is to analyze the origin of the presidential primary system in Honduras, its characteristics, and its effects on the political system. Methodology: This involves analyzing all primary elections held since their adoption to the present. Conclusions: the evidence indicates that, while the primary election system has allowed for the resolution of internal conflicts within parties, it has also contributed to the consolidation of political clientelism in the country. Originality: this work provides tools for analyzing the process of selecting presidential candidates in a political context of low programmatic competition, clientelism, and high personalism. Objetivo/contexto: ¿qué características adopta el sistema de primarias presidenciales? y ¿cuáles son los efectos de las primarias en el sistema político hondureño? Honduras figura entre los países precursores en América Latina en adoptar el sistema de primarias como mecanismo de democracia interna de las estructuras partidarias para seleccionar a sus candidatos a la presidencia, al Poder Legislativo y a los cargos municipales. Si bien los partidos no tienen la obligación de acudir a primarias para seleccionar a sus candidatos, la ley indica su obligatoriedad para aquellas agrupaciones políticas que cuentan con más de un movimiento interno. Así, con el paso de los años, luego de ocho experiencias —en algunos partidos políticos— se encuentran afianzadas. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el origen del sistema de primarias presidenciales en Honduras, sus características, así como sus efectos en el sistema político. Metodología: para ello se analizan todas las elecciones primarias celebradas desde su adopción hasta la actualidad. Conclusiones: la evidencia indica que, si bien el sistema de elecciones primarias ha permitido dirimir conflictos internos en los partidos, también ha contribuido a la consolidación del clientelismo político en el país. Originalidad: este trabajo aporta herramientas para el análisis del proceso de selección de candidatos presidenciales en un contexto político de baja competencia programática, clientelismo y elevado personalismo. Objetivo/contexto: quais características o sistema de primárias presidenciais adota? E quais são os efeitos das primárias no sistema político hondurenho? Honduras figura entre os países precursores na América Latina a adotar o sistema de primárias como mecanismo de democracia interna das estruturas partidárias para selecionar seus candidatos à presidência, ao Poder Legislativo e aos cargos municipais. Embora os partidos não sejam obrigados a recorrer a primárias para selecionar seus candidatos, a lei indica sua obrigatoriedade para aquelas agrupações políticas que contam com mais de um movimento interno. Assim, com o passar dos anos, após oito experiências — em alguns partidos políticos — encontram-se consolidadas. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a origem do sistema de primárias presidenciais em Honduras, suas características, bem como seus efeitos no sistema político. Metodologia: para isso, analisam-se todas as eleições primárias realizadas desde sua adoção até a atualidade. Conclusões: a evidência indica que, embora o sistema de eleições primárias tenha permitido resolver conflitos internos nos partidos, também contribuiu para a consolidação do clientelismo político no país. Originalidade: este trabalho fornece ferramentas para a análise do processo de seleção de candidatos presidenciais em um contexto político de baixa competição programática, clientelismo e elevado personalismo.

Intra-party competition is widespread and affects political parties’ strength. This article presents a model of elections in which intra-party factions can devote resources to campaigning for the party or undermining competing factions to obtain more power. The model shows that inter- and intra-party competition are substitutes: Internal competition increases when the electoral stakes are low – for example, in consensus democracies granting power to losing parties – because the incentives to focus on the fight for internal power increase. Similarly, an increase in party polarization incentivizes factions to campaign to avoid a more costly electoral loss. Factions in the moderate party campaign more than those in the extreme party; conversely, when factions in the same party are ideologically divided, extreme factions campaign more. Finally, the model studies how internal rules affect intra-party competition, showing how parties design internal contests among factions to maximize campaigning.

Misinformation and intergroup bias are two pathologies challenging informed citizenship. This article examines how identity language is used in misinformation and debunking messages about controversial science on the Chinese digital public spheres and their impact on how the public engage with science. We collected an 8-year time series dataset of public discussion (N = 6,039) on one of the most controversial science issues in China (GMO) from a popular Q&A platform, Zhihu. We found that both misinformation and debunking messages use a substantial amount of group identity languages when discussing the controversial science issue, which we define as science factionalism—discussion about science is divided by factions that are formed upon science attitudes. We found that posts that use science factionalism receive more digital votes and comments, even among the science-savvy community in China. Science factionalism also increases the use of negativity in public discourse. We discussed the implications of how science factionalism interacts with the digital attention economy to affect public engagement with science misinformation.

Cet article propose une analyse de ce que je nomme pratique de la parenté chez les Katukina du rio Biá (Amazonie Brésilienne). Il s’agit, à partir d’une interprétation statistique des mariages d’un corpus généalogique collecté entre 2004 et 2009, d’une tentative de compréhension des dynamiques de la politique des alliances matrimoniales katukina. Ainsi, j’espère montrer comment les Katukina ajustent choix matrimoniaux et relations de parenté. L´analyse de la politique factionnelle devient alors nécessaire pour expliquer les configurations des mariages, et aide à percevoir la manière dont la nomenclature de parenté est « pratiquée » dans les dynamiques politiques qui sous-tendent les compositions des groupes locaux katukina. La fluidité qui caractérise le système katukina devient une composante intrinsèque de leur politique de la parenté, ancrée dans l’importance du couple et dans les réitérations-réplications des alliances. Esse artigo é uma análise do que chamo de prática do parentesco entre os Katukina do rio Biá (Amazônia Brasileira). Trata-se de uma tentativa de compreensão, a partir da interpretação estatística dos casamentos obtidas de um corpus genealógico coletado entre 2004 e 2009, das dinâmicas da política de alianças matrimoniais katukina. Com isso, pretendo mostrar como os Katukina se acomodam nas suas escolhas matrimoniais das relações de parentesco. A analise da política faccional se torna necessária para explicar as configurações dos casamentos e ajuda a entender como uma nomenclatura de parentesco é “praticada” nas dinâmicas políticas que perpassam as composições dos grupos locais katukina. A fluidez que caracteriza o sistema katukina tornar-se um componente intrínseco da política do parentesco que praticam, ancorada na importância do casal e nas reiteração-replicação de alianças. This article is an analysis of what I call the practice of kinship among the Katukina of the rio Biá (Brazilian Amazon). It is an attempt to understand, from a statistical interpretation of marriages from a genealogical corpus collected between 2004 and 2009, the dynamics of the policy of katukina marriage alliances. Thus, I hope to show how the Katukina relate their matrimonial choices to kinship relationships. Understanding factional politics then becomes necessary to explain the patterns of marriages and helps to perceive how kinship nomenclature is “practiced” in the political dynamics that underlie the compositions of local Katukina groups. The fluidity that characterizes the katukina system becomes an intrinsic component of the policy of kinship that they practice, anchored in the importance of the married couple and in the reiterations-replications of alliances.

Previous research by Goldstone et al. (2010) generated a highly accurate predictive model of state-level political instability. Notably, this model identifies political institutions – and partial democracy with factionalism, specifically – as the most compelling factors explaining when and where instability events are likely to occur. This article reassesses the model’s explanatory power and makes three related points: (1) the model’s predictive power varies substantially over time; (2) its predictive power peaked in the period used for out-of-sample validation (1995–2004) in the original study and (3) the model performs relatively poorly in the more recent period. The authors find that this decline is not simply due to the Arab Uprisings, instability events that occurred in autocracies. Similar issues are found with attempts to predict nonviolent uprisings (Chenoweth and Ulfelder 2017) and armed conflict onset and continuation (Hegre et al. 2013). These results inform two conclusions: (1) the drivers of instability are not constant over time and (2) care must be exercised in interpreting prediction exercises as evidence in favor or dispositive of theoretical mechanisms.

While peace processes increase the likelihood that a civil war is resolved, they can also complicate peace by increasing the risk of rebel fragmentation. In this article, we argue that negotiations exacerbate pre-existing structural and substantial divisions within rebel organizations, therefore increasing the likelihood of a rebel split. More specifically, we put forward a theoretical framework that specifies why factions within a rebel group may disagree with the onset of negotiations, the conclusion of a peace agreement, or the implementation of an agreement—and thus break away during the peace process. We empirically assess the merit of this framework by systematically comparing the impact of these phases in a peace process on the fragmentation of rebel organizations. Using data that more accurately reflect the moment a rebel split takes place than earlier studies, we find that peace processes have a greater substantial impact on rebel fragmentation than previously assumed.

This comparative case study interrogates how Zimbabwe’s independent press reported on ZANU-PF factionalism in the period from 2014 to 2017. It focuses on two dailies, Daily News and NewsDay. These were Zimbabwe’s only privately owned newspapers at the time. The other daily newspapers were The Herald and Chronicle, whose editorial was controlled by the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government of Robert Mugabe. Whereas scholarship on ZANU-PF factionalism and the press is still burgeoning, little has been studied about how the independent press reported on Mugabe’s succession. The study is guided by framing theory. Data were gathered through archival research and in-depth face-to-face interviews with purposively selected journalists at Daily News and NewsDay who published stories on Mugabe’s succession. Findings reveal that rival ZANU-PF factions captured bribed journalists and influenced how they reported on Mugabe’s succession. Journalism grew “factionalized” (biased) as reporters became agents of the rival ZANU-PF factions. This disabled the newspapers from playing their informative and educative roles effectively. The factionalized reports left Zimbabweans ill-informed about developments in the governing party.

The contemporary Republican Party has been the site of asymmetric partisan entrenchment and factional infighting. We test whether factional pressure from a far-right faction (the Tea Party) exacerbated the party's rightward movement with a granular analysis of Republican factionalism at the congressional district level. We develop a measure of local factionalism using novel datasets of activist presence and primary contests. Then, we conduct a difference-in-differences analysis to assess whether local factionalism in the Tea Party era heightened Republican partisanship and legislative extremism at the district level. We find that districts that experienced factional pressure moved rightward on both measures. These findings help clarify how the Tea Party captured the Republican Party and support a focus on the role of party factions in fomenting partisan conflict.

The sudden and dramatic developments in northern Syria-beginning in the outskirts of Idlib and surrounding villages near Aleppo and culminating in Syria's second largest city falling into rebel hands-have thrust Tiirkiye-widely seen as the closest external power to the rebel factions-into a spotlight it neither sought nor fully avoided. The speed and ease with which the associated fighters, led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), moved out of their Idlib stronghold to capture Aleppo and push further toward the city of Hama in just three days was extraordinary. This was not merely a tactical success-it struck a critical blow to the economic and logistical infrastructure of President Bashar al-Assad's regime. The M5 highway, now under the control of HTS, is a vital artery linking Aleppo to Damascus and other regime-held areas. Its loss represents a significant setback for al-Assad's already fragile economy.