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The positions of the radical right parties (RRPs) concerning the family have generally been examined through a socio-cultural lens, but very little is known about their distributive preferences. Based on the theoretical insights from the literature on varieties of familialism and social investment, the article investigates the RRPs' family policy agenda in terms of preference and support for familialism and de-familialism. Furthermore, cross-country similarities and differences will be investigated through an explanatory framework that combines the literature on partisan politics with that on historical institutionalism. A content analysis of party manifestos has shown that the RRPs adopt a male-breadwinner policy agenda, mostly intended to please their authoritarian electorate. However, comparative empirical research has highlighted some cross-country differences. These are explained by considering the counter-feedback mechanism triggered by the policy legacies, which provides RRPs with divergent electoral incentives and disincentives to promote their family policy agenda.

Research Framework: Our study focuses on the National Union of Family Associations (UNAF), a French institution that is unique because it was created by the legislator to structure the family movement and officially represent families to public authorities at all levels.Objectives: The article sets out to analyze the emergence of familyist ideology and its structuring in a dedicated apparatus. It studies how the diversification of family models has been taken into account by the legislator and incorporated by the UNAF even if it clashes with its convictions.Methodology: Our work is based on an analysis of historical, demographic, legal research on the family and family associations, as well as documents from the UNAF and its constituent organizations. Finally, it is based on fifteen interviews with actors of the family movement and officials of the main federations of family associations.Results: The UNAF and its components have adapted and the familyist ideology has showned great resilience. At each stage, despite the difficulties, the protagonists have been able to make compromises making it possible to integrate changes while maintaining and developing the role of the family movement. The emergence of the theme of \"parenthood\" has allowed the development of new activities and services.Conclusions: Frictions around opening marriage to same-sex couples have subsided, as some of the more conservative family associations have dramatically refocused.Contribution: At a time of growing individualization of rights and when the public authorities have abandoned all familyist references, is there a new paradigm taking shape, in which the existence of a \"family body\" makes less and less sense?

This study aims to identify the state–family nexus in long-term care (LTC) provision for older adults in Italy and Japan which have been considered to be a familialistic welfare state and the most ageing societies in the world. Based on the more developed theoretical approach of the familialism–defamilialization continuum of care, represented by Saraceno (2016), the public policy systems as well as the LTC provision and the work–LTC reconciliation of family caregivers in particular, were compared between Italy and Japan. While both countries have lower level of institutional care, and particularly high proportions of family caregivers with relatively heavy care burdens, the share of cash-based and home care as well as the age range and family relationship of family caregivers significantly differ. Focusing on the peculiarities of LTC that the state–(market)–family cannot always be clearly separated, this study identified that the size of public expenditure, i.e., the role of the state does not immediately lead to a defamililization of care. This can contribute to the policy making for care provision and work–LTC reconciliation in several countries that will become super-aging societies in the coming decades.

This paper explores how the new family forms have been taken into account in the reshaping of the French family policy. Three recent reforms are examined through the analytical frame of familialism which was one of three drivers of the family policy when it was set up in the mid-20th century. Familialism allows for a consideration of both moral, social and gender order that is on families. Firstly, change in the family law is explored in order to assess how new family life arrangements are institutionalized. Secondly, family policy responses to the new social risks resulting from change in the family life course are explored. Then policy responses to change in the gender order within the family are examined. Difficulties in implementing the policy change are discussed, highlighting the obstacles encountered by the current government as well as the gap between the objectives and their implementation.

Following Reher's (1998) seminal paper on family ties in western Europe, the perspective that family solidarity patterns are divided between an individualistic north and a famialistic south has dominated the literature. We challenge this view and address the variability in intergenerational family solidarity within and across countries. Using multiple dimensions of intergenerational solidarity drawn from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe, we develop a typology of late-life families which is robust across northern, central and southern regions. The four types are: (a) descending familialism: living nearby, frequent contact, endorsement of family obligation norms, and primarily help in kind from parents to children, (b) ascending familialism: living nearby, frequent contact, endorsement of family obligation norms, and primarily help in kind from children to parents, (c) supportive-at-distance: not living nearby, frequent contact, refutation of family obligation norms, and primarily financial transfers from parents to adult children, (d) autonomous: not living nearby, little contact, refutation of family obligation norms, and few support exchanges. The four types are common in each European country, though the distributions differ. The findings suggest that scholars should abandon the idea that a particular country can be characterised by a single dominant type of late-life family. Socio-demographic differentials in family type follow predictable patterns, underscoring the validity of the developed typology.

This study examines how educational differences in work-care patterns among mothers with young children in Germany changed between 1997 and 2013. Since the mid-2000s, Germany has undergone a paradigm shift in parental leave and childcare policies. Our comparative analysis of East and West Germany provides new evidence on whether the long-standing gender regime differences interact with recent developments of social class inequalities in the changing family policy context. The analyses include pooled binary and multinomial logistic regressions based on 17,764 observations of 8604 children below the age of three years from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP). The findings point to growing educational divergence in work-care arrangements in East and West Germany: employment and day-care use increased more strongly among families with medium and highly educated mothers compared to those with low education. This has critical implications for the latter’s economic security. The decline in the use of informal childcare options was, however, fairly homogenous.

In Lithuania, elderly care is still strongly reliant upon the informal sector, while recent efforts to develop a policy of de-familialism using welfare state arrangements have so far been very vague. This article uses the concept of familialism to assess whether the infrastructure of elderly care services and labor market measures developed in the country are adequate in the light of social-demographic changes taking place in the country and the expectations of the future elderly population (over 50 years old). Where the expectations reflect high levels of normative solidarity and preconditions for supported familialism, rapid emigration of young people, high employment among women, and the growing share of single-person households reflect the need to develop a dual-supported familialism-de-familialism policy model in the nearest future in order to meet elderly care needs.

This article examines young Muslim women’s dissident mentalities, practices, and subjectivities that confront the epistemological conditions whereby right-wing populist (RWP) gender politics operates in Turkey. Relying on frame theory in social movement research and the Foucauldian approach to resistance, dissent, and protest, it explores Muslim feminist critique of RWP gender discourse mainly with a focus on the following issues: (i.) Instrumentalization of the headscarf, (ii.) familialist policies, and (iii.) violence against women and the Istanbul Convention (the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence). As a result, it demonstrates that young Muslim women’s dissident mentalities and subjectivities generate a new “political project”, i.e., a set of new meanings and social goals directed at bringing about social change, which comes into being through the act of resistance against RWP gender grammar and carves out new forms of knowledge reclaiming the Islam–gender nexus for a progressive feminist agenda.

This article introduces this special issue of the International Journal of Disability and Social Justice focusing on Independent Living, understood both as a social movement and an analytic paradigm. The aim of the special issue is to mark the 50th anniversary of the first Centre for Independent Living, as well as the tenth occurrence of the Freedom Drive, a biennial advocacy event organised by the European Network on Independent Living (ENIL). We first explain the significance of these two initiatives, tracing their history and rationale in terms of disabled people’s struggle for self-determination. We then discuss the meaning of Independent Living and associated definitional struggles. In the main part of the article, we explore the relations between Independent Living and the state, the market, and the family. This helps us to understand Independent Living as critique of professional power, self-sufficiency, and parental authority. The practical implications of these critiques are explored by looking at current struggles for deinstitutionalisation and personal assistance. We conclude by presenting the pillars of Independent Living and their consideration in the contributions to this special issue.

This paper aims to develop a conceptual framework for analysing the degree to which public policies support gender equity in paid work and care. Combining the distinction between commodification and decommodification and the distinction between defamilialisation, supported familialism, and familialism by default our study identifies a number of relevant policies, ranging from services, leave entitlements, income support measures, and fiscal instruments to forms of acknowledgement of care work in pension systems. Although our main objective is conceptual, we offer a comparative overview of these policies for all of the EU countries, plus Norway. Thus, we provide a preliminary typology of policy approaches.