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"family wage"
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Long Work Hours, Part-Time Work, and Trends in the Gender Gap in Pay, the Motherhood Wage Penalty, and the Fatherhood Wage Premium
We assess how changes in the social organization and compensation of work hours over the last three decades are associated with changes in wage differentials among mothers, fathers, childless women, and childless men. We find that large differences between gender and parental status groups in long work hours (fifty or more per week), coupled with sharply rising hourly wages for long work hours, contributed to rising gender gaps in wages (especially among parents), motherhood wage penalties, and fatherhood wage premiums. Changes in the representation of these groups in part-time work, by contrast, is associated with a decline in the gender gap in wages among parents and in the motherhood wage penalty, but an increase in the fatherhood wage premium. These findings offer important clues into why gender and family wage differentials still persist.
Journal Article
Parenthood Wage Gaps Across the Life Course: A Comparison by Gender and Race
Objective: We map the magnitude, timing, and persistence of parenthood wage gaps in the life course for Black, Hispanic, and White men and women in the United States. Background: Previous research indicates that penalties only persist into mid-life for mothers with three or more children without distinguishing by race. The timing and age range in which parenthood wage gaps occur for fathers and mothers of different racial backgrounds are unknown. We develop a theoretical framework based on the gender- and race-specific interplay between labor market dynamics and family demographics over the life course to derive hypotheses. Method: Age-specific parenthood wage gaps from ages 20-40 are estimated using 1979 and 1997 National Longitudinal Surveys of Youth data and fixed effects models. Results: Only White women with three or more children suffer large and persistent adjusted motherhood penalties up to age 40. For Black and Hispanic mothers, penalties are concentrated in a brief age range of 5-10 years around age 30 and then attenuate irrespective of the number of children. Adjusted fatherhood premiums only occur for White men and are confined to brief periods in early adulthood, suggesting that they result from complex selection effects into education, employment, and fatherhood. Conclusion: For minority men and women, parenthood wage gaps are concentrated in brief periods of the life course. Only White mothers with many children experience persistent wage penalties. The race- and gender-specific interplay between labor market dynamics and family demographics over the life course offers a consistent account of these findings.
Journal Article
The Male Marriage Premium: Selection, Productivity, or Employer Preferences?
Objective: This paper empirically tests the three theories put forward to explain the male marriage premium. Background: Married men continue to earn more than single across the Western world, despite significant changes to family life. Three theories are put forward to explain this phenomenon: (a) Marriage makes men more productive; (b) more productive men select into marriage; (c) employers prefer married men and therefore offer them higher wages. Method: We use a multi-pronged strategy to test all three theories. First, we analyze a Swiss national panel survey using fixed-effects regressions with observations matched using entropy balancing, as well as fixed-effects individual slopes (FEIS) models to isolate the selection effect. Second, we use a factorial survey experiment of over 500 recruiters in Switzerland to study the preferences of employers. Results: Pooled ordinary least squares regressions showed a marriage premium of 11%, which is reduced to approximately 3.5% when accounting for selection and 2.5-3% when introducing controls related to in-work productivity. The results of the survey experiment showed that employers assign wages 2% higher to married men, with large differences between occupations. They are also more likely to invite married men to a job interview. Conclusion: While selection is found to be the largest contributor to the male marriage premium, it does not explain it fully. Both employer preferences and productivity changes also play a small role.
Journal Article
The Wages of Mothers' Labor: A Meta-Regression Analysis
Objective: To estimate the motherhood wage penalty and explain its wide variation across the research literature. Background: Determining the size and understanding the cause of the motherhood wage penalty has important policy implications. If there is no practically significant motherhood wage penalty, then many of the popular explanations for the gender wage gap must be reassessed. If there is a significant motherhood penalty, its cause can help direct policy. Method: We conduct a systematic review and meta-regression analysis (MRA) of 49 studies and 1895 estimates of the motherhood wage penalty. Results: Meta-regression identifies 23 research characteristics associated with the reported penalty, including: the ways in which that wages are measured, selective reporting, the econometric methods employed, and the omission of relevant worker qualities from the wage equation. After controlling for multiple paths of heterogeneity, selection, misspecification biases, unobserved productivity effects, and selective reporting, our MRA identifies a small, but robust, motherhood wage penalty, mainly driven by a few countries: USA, UK, Germany, and Norway. Conclusion: We estimate that the motherhood wage penalty is about 4% ± 2%, per child, for US mothers. Our findings are most consistent with a perceived productivity effect or with discrimination.
Journal Article
Size and factors of the motherhood penalty in the labour market: A meta-analysis
Numerous empirical studies show that mothers are often paid less than women without children, who have similar profiles. This paper presents the results of a meta-analysis of existing estimates of the motherhood wage penalty (over 2,000 estimates on data for 38 countries). A statistically significant publication bias was found towards a higher penalty estimate. However, the motherhood penalty persists even after correcting for the bias. Many sources of heterogeneity of the current estimates of the motherhood penalty were shown to exist, including technical characteristics of the model, precision of the estimate, and inclusion of information on women’s human capital, employment, and other individual characteristics in the regression model. The analysis confirmed the significance of such sources of the motherhood penalty as losses caused by employment interruptions and underinvestment in human capital, exchange of part of the wage for more convenient working conditions, reduced work effort, including due to high involvement in unpaid domestic work. The hypothesis of mothers’ lower productivity is not supported. Controlling for regional variables revealed a relatively higher motherhood penalty in Western Europe and the United States and a relatively lower one in Latin America. This provides some empirical evidence in favour of the study’s hypothesis of a possible relationship between the size of the motherhood penalty and fertility concentration. In countries with a significant heterogeneity in the distribution of women by the number of births (high prevalence of childlessness and/or multiple children), employers may favour smaller gender pay gaps along with a higher motherhood penalty.
Journal Article
Is There a Motherhood Penalty? Decomposing the Family Wage Gap in Colombia
The aim of this paper is to provide an estimation and decomposition of the motherhood wage penalty in Colombia. Our empirical strategy was based on the matching procedure designed by Ñopo (
The Review of Economics and Statistics, 90
(2), 290–299,
2008a
) for the case of gender wage gaps. This is an alternative procedure to the well-known Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition method. Using the cross-sectional data of the Colombian Living Standard Survey, the wage gap was decomposed into four components, according to the characteristics of mothers and non-mothers. Three of the components are explained by differences in observable characteristics of women, while the other is the unexplained part of the gap. We found that mothers earn, on average, 1.73 % less than their counterparts without children and that this gap slightly decreased when the group included older women. It is observed from the results that, once schooling was included as a matching variable, the unexplained part of the gap considerably decreased and became non-significant. Thus, we did not find evidence of wage discrimination against mothers in the Colombian labor market.
Journal Article
Salario familiar, género y trabajo doméstico no remunerado en México
El salario familiar masculino (en adelante “salario familiar”) ha sido ampliamente discutido como una institución que organiza la división sexual del trabajo. La presente investigación evalúa el impacto actual del salario familiar sobre las brechas de sexo en el trabajo doméstico no remunerado dentro de los hogares asalariados mexicanos. Con datos de uso del tiempo, se construye un indicador que mide la desigualdad de sexo en la distribución del trabajo doméstico no remunerado y se realiza un análisis econométrico. De esta manera, se encuentra que aproximadamente una tercera parte de los hogares mexicanos todavía siguen el patrón de salario familiar. Los resultados indican también que el salario familiar es aún un determinante relevante de la desigualdad de sexo en el trabajo no remunerado.
The male family wage (hereafter “family wage”) has been widely discussed as an institution that organizes the division of labor based on gender. This research evaluates the current impact of the family wage on gender-based differences in unpaid domestic work in Mexican wage-earning households. According to time-usage data, an indicator is created to measure gender inequality in the distribution of unpaid domestic work, and an econometric analysis is carried out. Thus, approximately one-third of Mexican households still follow the family wage pattern. The results also indicate that the family wage is still a relevant determinant of gender inequality in unpaid work.
Journal Article
Trends in Parental Values in a Period of U.S. Labor Market Change
Objective: This article examines changes from 1986 to 2016 in the characteristics that parents in the United States most value in their children and differences in those values by parent income and education. Background: As a result of interrelated labor market changes, income- and education-based differences in parents' terminal values that have characterized U.S. families for generations are hypothesized to have converged by income and education during this period. Method: Data were drawn from the General Social Surveys (https://gss.norc.org/) and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (https:// psidonline.isr.umich.edu/), together spanning the period 1986-2016. The percentage of parents endorsing each child trait as \"most important\" were compared over time across the 90th, 50th, and 10th percentiles of the income and education distributions. Results: The characteristic parents most value in children across time was the ability to \"think for themselves\"; however, parents have placed increasing value on children's willingness to \"work hard\" and \"help others.\" Parents with lower incomes and less education, compared with economically advantaged parents, became less likely to value children's obedience, whereas economically advantaged parents became less likely to value children's thinking for themselves. Conclusion: Consequently, the income- and education-based gaps in the value of obedience and thinking for oneself have narrowed. As such, parents at the top and bottom of the socioeconomic distribution hold more similar parental values today than ever before.
Journal Article
The Motherhood Penalty at Midlife: Long-Term Effects of Children on Women's Careers
The authors build on prior research on the motherhood wage penalty to examine whether the career penalties faced by mothers change over the life course. They broaden the focus beyond wages to also consider labor force participation and occupational status and use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Young Women to model the changing impact of motherhood as women age from their 20s to their 50s (n = 4,730). They found that motherhood is \"costly\" to women's careers, but the effects on all 3 labor force outcomes attenuate at older ages. Children reduce women's labor force participation, but this effect is strongest when women are younger and is eliminated by the 40s and 50s. Mothers also seem able to regain ground in terms of occupational status. The wage penalty for having children varies by parity, persisting across the life course only for women who have 3 or more children.
Journal Article