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Utilizing the British Broadcasting Corporation Monitoring (BBCM) service to track and analyze the use of the term \"Anglo-Saxons\" by Russian officials, media representatives, state policy documents, as well as wider advocates of Russia's narrative, this article surveys how Putin's regime references it. The term's meanings are open-ended, dynamic, and evolving, and its applications tend to be context-sensitive. \"Anglo-Saxons\" functions as an epithet, trope, synonym, metaphor, and analogy in contemporary Russian discourse during Putin's fifth term. It represents a \"collective West\" perceived as intent on destabilizing Russia. The supposed threat of \"Anglo-Saxons\" is used to justify political choices, legitimize internal order, characterize Russia's alternative geopolitical identity, and outline its vision of a preferred global order. Following a genealogy of the term, tracing its evolving meanings through the medieval, early modern, and modern periods, the article identifies three core ways in which official discourse deploys the \"Anglo-Saxon\" concept: 1) \"Anglo-Saxon Atlanti-cists\" and the \"collective West\"; 2) the \"Anglo-Saxon Reich\" - portraying the \"fascist Anglo-Saxons elite\" and \"Ordinary Nazis\"; and 3) \"Anglo-Saxons\" as \"Fifth Column\" and \"Foreign Agent.\" Finally, the article concludes by exploring the trajectory of \"Anglo-Saxon\" usage and reflecting on its efficacy in legitimizing current Russian policies and strategies.

Between 1937 and 1945, numerous American journalists became gravely concerned about a rapidly growing Mexican Catholic right-wing movement, the Unión Nacional Sinarquista (UNS). Founded in 1937, the UNS spread rapidly across Mexico and by 1941, the Sinarquistas had formed numerous chapters in the United States as well. This coincided with the U.S. entry into World War II, and a heightened concern about the potential threat represented by immigrants loyal to Axis powers. Thus, U.S. journalists devoted significant coverage to the Sinarquista movement, casting it as a Fifth Column movement that was taking money, arms, and direct orders from enemies of the United States. In doing so, journalists largely downplayed the inherently Catholic character of the movement, as well as its deep roots in Mexican Church-state history, interpreting it instead within the framework of contemporary geopolitics. As a result, U.S. media consumers received an incomplete portrait of this particular religious “other”. In this article, I focus on the writings of the journalists Allan Chase and Betty Kirk, in order to assess how and why religion and religious belief was de-emphasized in influential media portrayals of the UNS, and why this matters for historians and journalists interested in religious movements.

The United States entered the Second World War following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. During the war, Japanese Americans faced persecution and even imprisonment due to their national heritage. The primary objective of this paper is to highlight that it was not only U.S. citizens of Japanese or German descent, but also Hungarian Americans, who could become targets of American authorities, albeit not to the same severe extent. The wartime atmosphere was so tense that the FBI responded to even the slightest rumors, launching investigations against law-abiding citizens who had no intention of undermining the American war effort. This paper examines the case of one Hungarian immigrant family—the Gondos family—as an illustrative example of how U.S. wartime intelligence targeted American citizens of “enemy alien” descent based solely on unsubstantiated rumors. Analyzing this case offers valuable insight into the experiences of wartime minorities in the United States. Therefore, the findings contribute to the historiography of twentieth-century American history, Hungarian migration history, and the academic field of American Studies.

In the first published account of the massive U.S. covert intervention in British Guiana between 1953 and 1969, Stephen G. Rabe uncovers a Cold War story of imperialism, gender bias, and racism.When the South American colony now known as Guyana was due to gain independence from Britain in the 1960s, U.S. officials in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations feared it would become a communist nation under the leadership of Cheddi Jagan, a Marxist who was very popular among the South Asian (mostly Indian) majority. Although to this day the CIA refuses to confirm or deny involvement, Rabe presents evidence that CIA funding, through a program run by the AFL-CIO, helped foment the labor unrest, race riots, and general chaos that led to Jagan's replacement in 1964. The political leader preferred by the United States, Forbes Burnham, went on to lead a twenty-year dictatorship in which he persecuted the majority Indian population. Considering race, gender, religion, and ethnicity along with traditional approaches to diplomatic history, Rabe's analysis of this Cold War tragedy serves as a needed corrective to interpretations that depict the Cold War as an unsullied U.S. triumph.

La lucha contra la «quinta columna» franquista en el Madrid republicano fue una prioridad para el Gobierno durante la Guerra Civil Española. De esta labor se encargaron unidades o «Brigadas» especializadas en contraespionaje formadas por miembros de marcada ideología de izquierdas. En el presente trabajo se analiza la más representativa de ellas, la Brigada Especial Valentí, a través de la actuación de aquellos de sus integrantes que procedían del ámbito civil, la inmensa mayoría de ellos, y, sobre todo, de la respuesta judicial por parte del bando ganador tras la Guerra. En los sumarios abiertos contra ellos se puede apreciar que detener a los máximos responsables de esta Brigada, aclarar cada una de sus acciones y juzgar las actuaciones de sus miembros fue también una prioridad para las autoridades del bando nacional, como lo demuestran lo minucioso de las instrucciones y la severidad de las condenas a los responsables.

Understanding the context of terrorism requires a trek through history, in this case the history of terrorist activity in the United States since the Civil War. Because the topic is large and complex, Terrorists Attacks on American Soil: From the Civil War to the Present does not claim to be an exhaustive history of terrorism or the definitive account of how and why terrorists do what they do. Instead, this book takes a representative sampling of the most horrific terrorist attacks on U.S. soil in an effort to understand the context in which they occurred and the lessons that can be learned from these events.

Most classical authors and modern historians depict the ancient Greek world as essentially stable and even static, once the so-called colonization movement came to an end. But Robert Garland argues that the Greeks were highly mobile, that their movement was essential to the survival, success, and sheer sustainability of their society, and that this wandering became a defining characteristic of their culture. Addressing a neglected but essential subject,Wandering Greeksfocuses on the diaspora of tens of thousands of people between about 700 and 325 BCE, demonstrating the degree to which Greeks were liable to be forced to leave their homes due to political upheaval, oppression, poverty, warfare, or simply a desire to better themselves. Attempting to enter into the mind-set of these wanderers, the book provides an insightful and sympathetic account of what it meant for ancient Greeks to part from everyone and everything they held dear, to start a new life elsewhere-or even to become homeless, living on the open road or on the high seas with no end to their journey in sight. Each chapter identifies a specific kind of \"wanderer,\" including the overseas settler, the deportee, the evacuee, the asylum-seeker, the fugitive, the economic migrant, and the itinerant, and the book also addresses repatriation and the idea of the \"portable polis.\" The result is a vivid and unique portrait of ancient Greece as a culture of displaced persons.

A chilling, fascinating, and nearly forgotten historical figure is resurrected in this riveting work that links the fascism of the last century with the terrorism of our own. Written with vigor and extraordinary access to primary sources in several languages, Icon of Evil is the definitive account of the man who, during World War II, was called \"the fuhrer of the Arab world\" and whose ugly legacy lives on today. With new and disturbing details, David G. Dalin and John F. Rothmann show how al -Husseini ingratiated himself with his hero, Adolf Hitler, becoming, with his blond hair and blue eyes, an \"honorary Aryan\" while dreaming of being installed as Nazi leader of the Middle East. Al-Husseini would later recruit more than 100,000 Muslims in Europe to fight in divisions of the Waffen- SS, and obstruct negotiations with the Allies that might have allowed four thousand Jewish children to escape to Palestine. Some believe that al-Husseini even inspired Hitler to implement the Final Solution. At war's end, al-Husseini escaped indictment at Nuremberg and was harbored in France. Icon of Evil chronicles al-Husseini's postwar relationships with such influential Islamic figures as the radical theoretician Sayyid Qutb and Saddam Hussein's powerful uncle General Khairallah Talfah and his crucial mentoring of the young Yasser Ararat. Finally, it provides compelling evidence that al-Husseini's actions and writings serve as inspirations today to the leaders of Hamas, Hezbollah, and other terrorist organizations pledged to destroy Israel and the United States.

Drawing on scientific literature and primary sources, the article analyses the activity of the Swabian-German Cultural Association on Slovenian soil as one of the key formations of the fifth column. The Kulturbund became radicalized and Nazified, especially after Hitler and Nazism rose to power. Long before the war, members of the Kulturbund spread Nazi propaganda and demagoguery throughout Slovenian territory, pasted Nazi symbols and flags, collected classified and sensitive information on the country and those who acted against the Germans and Germany. Based on that, lists of allegedly suspicious and dangerous persons to be arrested and evicted were already drawn up in the prewar period. After establishing administration, the occupier followed these arrest lists, which testify that many tragic fates of nationally conscious Slovenian families were sealed long before 1941 in Graz and other assembly intelligence centres. When the invasion began, the Kulturbund members became guides, instructors, and translators to the German army. Later on, they assumed essential positions in Nazi societies, organizations, associations, offices, paramilitary forces, and even SS units.

During World War I, German soldiers shot down carrier pigeons for fear the birds were carrying enemy communiqués; in Mexico, the United States, and other countries, mules were used for smuggling and secret travel in mountainous areas; in the British Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the British feared that supplies for anti-imperialist rebellion were being transported by canal. In this book, Jacob Shell argues that many political regimes have historically associated certain modes of transportation with revolt or with subversive activities -- and have responded by acting to destroy or curtail those modes of transportation. Constructing a conceptual framework linking physical geography with the politics of mobility, Shell presents historical examples of the secret, subversive mobilization of people and cargo across watery spaces and harsh terrain, carried by watercraft and transport animals including pigeons, mules, camels, elephants, and sled dogs. Efforts to suppress such clandestine mobilities ranged from the violent (the shooting of pigeons) to the indirect -- curtailing financial support, certain kinds of social knowledge, or schemes for infrastructural development. To show how such efforts at immobilization could affect cities and urban transportation, Shell looks at the Port of New York in the early twentieth century, where potentially transformative plans for inner-city freight transportation were rejected -- likely, Shell argues, due to fears of anarchist activities. The innovative argument advanced by Shell inTransportation and Revoltchallenges conventional wisdom about the supposed obsolescence of transport methods that have become marginalized in the modern era.