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What is the relationship between gender segregation in higher education and gender segregation in the labor market? Using Fossett's (2017) difference-of-means method for calculating segregation indices and data from the American Community Survey, we show that approximately 36% of occupational segregation among college-educated workers is associated with gender segregation across 173 fields of study, and roughly 64% reflects gender segregation within fields. A decomposition analysis shows that fields contribute to occupational segregation mainly through endowment effects (men's and women's uneven distribution across fields) than through the coefficient effects (gender differences in the likelihood of entering a male-dominated occupation from the same field). Endowment effects are highest in fields strongly linked to the labor market, suggesting that educational segregation among fields in which graduates tend to enter a limited set of occupations is particularly consequential for occupational segregation. Within-field occupational segregation is higher among heavily male-dominated fields than other fields, but it does not vary systematically by fields' STEM status or field–occupation linkage strength. Assuming the relationship between field segregation and occupational segregation is at least partly causal, these results imply that integrating higher education (e.g., by increasing women's representation in STEM majors) will reduce but not eliminate gender segregation in labor markets.

This paper examines differences in the jobs for which men and women apply in order to better understand gender segregation in managerial jobs. We develop and test an integrative theory of why women might apply to different jobs than men. We note that constraints based on gender role socialization may affect three determinants of job applications: how individuals evaluate the rewards provided by different jobs, whether they identify with those jobs, and whether they believe that their applications will be successful. We then develop hypotheses about the role of each of these decision factors in mediating gender differences in job applications. We test these hypotheses using the first direct comparison of how similarly qualified men and women apply to jobs, based on data on the job searches of MBA students. Our findings indicate that women are less likely than men to apply to finance and consulting jobs and are more likely to apply to general management positions. These differences are partly explained by women’s preference for jobs with better anticipated work–life balance, their lower identification with stereotypically masculine jobs, and their lower expectations of job offer success in such stereotypically masculine jobs. We find no evidence that women are less likely to receive job offers in any of the fields studied. These results point to some of the ways in which gender differences can become entrenched through the long-term expectations and assumptions that job candidates carry with them into the application process.

Previous research suggests an under-representation of women among teleworkers before the Covid-19 pandemic. However, we know little about whether such a gender gap was substantial, and whether it could be explained by occupational gender segregation. We explore whether a gender gap in regularly teleworking existed in the EU-28 and analyse its possible constituents, drawing on data from the European Working Conditions Survey 2015. To form a group of potential teleworkers, the analytical sample was restricted to employees who made use of information and communication technology (N ≈ 16,000). Country fixed effects regression and multilevel models were applied. The results show that women were under-represented among teleworkers compared to men, also when occupational gender segregation is taken into account; the remaining gender gap in telework is estimated at 10%. For women, working part-time and working in the private sector was associated with lower incidences of telework, but not for men. Country characteristics explain a small but significant share of telework incidence. In countries that rank high on the Gender Equality Index and have a large public sector, telework was widespread, whereas it was less present in countries with higher shares of women in the fields of science and engineering. The findings support the view that the gender gap in teleworking from home is a matter of historically grown gender inequality.

Women tend to be segregated into different subspecialties than men within male-dominated occupations, but the mechanisms contributing to such intra-occupational gender segregation remain obscure. In this study, I use data from an online recruiting platform and a survey to examine the hiring mechanisms leading to gender segregation within software engineering and development. I find that women are much more prevalent among workers hired in software quality assurance than in other software subspecialties. Importantly, jobs in software quality assurance are lower-paying and perceived as lower status than jobs in other software subspecialties. In examining the origins of this pattern, I find that it stems largely from women being more likely than men to apply for jobs in software quality assurance. Further, such gender differences in job applications are attenuated among candidates with stronger educational credentials, consistent with the idea that relevant accomplishments help mitigate gender differences in self-assessments of competence and belonging in these fields. Demand-side selection processes further contribute to gender segregation, as employers penalize candidates with quality assurance backgrounds, a subspecialty where women are overrepresented, when they apply for jobs in other, higher-status software subspecialties.

Turkey has experienced an expansion in its higher education sector over the last 15 years, fuelled by the cancellation of tuition fees, the establishment of at least one public university in each city, an increase in the number of foundation universities, and the abolition of the headscarf ban. Within this period, women have overtaken men in terms of higher education attainment. In this paper, we study whether this development has gone alongside improved gender equality in the labour force. We analyse household labour force survey data for the years 2005, 2008, 2011 and 2017 to track the changes in core SDG5-indicators for gender equality: labour force participation, gender segregation in employment, and the gender pay gap. Overall, we find that women with higher education still enter the labour force at a significantly higher rate than women without higher education. While both the occupational gender segregation and the gender wage gap persist among graduates, these gaps remain relatively small when compared to other countries. Our analysis shows that higher education has contributed significantly to the development of a somewhat more equal labour market outcomes for the most recent cohort, despite the nuanced and entrenched gender inequalities that are difficult to change.

Central and Eastern European countries (CEE), compared to common law countries but also other civil law countries of Europe, are known for a strikingly high representation of women within judiciaries. This, however, does not mean that equality has been achieved, as women judges do not reach leadership positions at the same rate as their male peers. Taking the Czech Republic as a case study, this contribution explores the barriers women judges face within a CEE judiciary and analyses their reflections on their positions. The interviews with women judges show that while they are well aware of what is holding them back, most of them do not perceive the structurally unequal position of men and women in Czech society and in the judiciary as a problem and accept the consequences as being part of women’s destiny. This means that the system currently lacks bottom-up incentives and pressure for change.

Background: Although the labour market is characterized by a strong numerical gender segregation of occupations, there is little knowledge about the associations of this with the future labour market situation for an individual person. Objectives: This study aimed to elucidate whether working in a gender-segregated or gender-integrated occupation is associated with future labour market attachment and sickness absence or disability pensions among women and men. Methods: We used a population-based prospective cohort study with univariate and multiple logistic regression analyses stratified by gender, including all people living in Sweden aged 20–56 years and in paid work in 2003 (n=3,239,989). They were followed up eight years later with regard to employment status, sickness absence and disability pension. Results: Women and men employed in extremely female-dominated occupations in 2003 had the highest employment levels and the lowest unemployment levels at follow up in 2011. When adjusting for age, level of education and sector of employment, the highest odds ratios (ORs) for not being employed in 2011 were found for women working in extremely male-dominated occupations in 2003 (OR 1.27; 95% CI 1.21–1.33) and for men in female-dominated occupations (OR 1.42; 95% CI 1.39–1.45) relative to those in gender-integrated occupations. Women in extremely male-dominated occupations had the highest ORs for sickness absence or the receipt of a disability pension at follow up (OR 1.26; 95% CI 1.17–1.36) and men in female-dominated occupations had the highest OR 1.15 (95% CI 1.11–1.20). Conclusions: For both women and men, the gender composition of the occupation they work in seems to be of importance for their future labour market attachment and sickness absence or receipt of a disability pension.

Aim: The aim of this study was to analyze possible changes in the gender composition of occupations in Sweden, using register data covering the whole working population. Methods: Cross tabulations on gender by occupation were computed and comparisons made of numbers and proportions of women and men aged 20–64 years to illustrate occupational gender-segregation categories in 2003 and 2011, respectively. All of those in working ages, employed in 2003 and 2011 (4.2 resp 4.7 millions individuals), were included. Differences in the distribution of women and men in all occupations were summarized using two gender-segregation indexes from 2003 and 2011, separately. Results: The proportion of women increased in the gender-integrated (⩾40–<60% women) occupations. Also, the proportion of women in high-skilled professional occupations in the male-dominated category increased, as well as the proportion of men in mostly low-skilled female-dominated occupations, mainly in the service sector. The gender-segregation of occupations measured by the Index of Dissimilarly and the Karmel and MacLachlan Index was lower in 2011 than in 2003. Conclusions: The process of de-segregation has continued during our study period, from 2003 to 2011. The proportion of women increased in occupations that demand higher education, both in gender-integrated and in male-dominated occupations, which can contribute to a decrease in the level of sickness absence for women. Men increased their proportion in low-skilled, female-dominated occupations – a group with high levels of sickness absence or disability pension.

Occupational gender segregation is an obdurate feature of gender inequality in the United States The \"family plans thesis\"—the belief that women and men deliberately adjust their early career decisions to accommodate their anticipated family roles—is a common theoretical explanation of this segregation in the social sciences and in popular discourse. But do young men and women actually account for their family plans when making occupational choices? This article investigates the validity of this central mechanism of the family plans thesis. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 100 college students at three universities, I find that most women and men report no deliberate consideration of their family plans in their college major or post-graduation career choices. Only a quarter of men accommodate provider role plans in their choice of occupations, and only 7 of 56 women (13 percent) accommodate caregiving plans. Further, men who anticipate a provider role are not typically enrolled in more men-dominated fields, and women who seek caregiver-friendly occupations are not typically enrolled in more women-dominated fields. These findings question the validity of the family plans thesis and suggest instead that the thesis itself may reproduce segregation as a cultural schema that buttresses essentialist stereotypes about appropriate fields for men and women.

Using the Labour Force Survey 2013, this paper examines gender differences in holding supervisory positions in 26 European countries and relates these differences to horizontal gender segregation, i.e. women and men working in different jobs. First, we confirm the findings of previous studies that women are still disadvantaged in holding supervisory positions in almost all countries. Second, by examining how women's disadvantage varies when working in male-dominated, gender-mixed, and female-dominated occupations, we observe women's lowest disadvantage in male-dominated occupations in most countries. Third, applying a two-stage multilevel analysis, we explore at the macro level how the country variation in women's disadvantage in holding supervisory positions is related to horizontal gender segregation, selection of women in the labour market, and conditions facilitating the combination of work and family, and whether women's disadvantage significantly differs among welfare regimes. We provide evidence that differences among welfare regimes capture much better country variation than single macro indicators.