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It would be difficult to overstate the centrality of 'Brown v Board of Education' to American law and life. Legal scholars from across the ideological spectrum have lavished more attention on that Supreme Court decision than any other issued during the last century. In recent decades, the standard account of 'Brown' has placed that most-scrutinized opinion in a geopolitical context. 'Brown', the standard account maintains, must be viewed as a product of the Cold War era. By the 1950s, the persistence of laws codifying racial subordination had become an embarrassment for the US on the global stage. The US effort to defeat communism around the world thus rendered the recognition of civil rights for Black Americans a Cold War imperative. This article complicates and challenges that account by exploring the central role that anti-communism played in segregationists' opposition to Brown and civil rights. Throughout most of the twentieth century, a broad array of Americans contended that preserving Jim Crow was a Cold War imperative in its own right. For this group, anti-communism and segregation were not just compatible, but inextricably intertwined. Their ranks included northerners and southerners alike: politicians, jurists, columnists, and ordinary citizens. White supremacists did not invoke anti-communism merely as a disingenuous ploy to combat 'Brown'. Both long before and long after 1954, anti-communism helped to shape the contours of segregationist thought. The defenders of Jim Crow assailed integration as a product of communistic central government authority. They insisted that racial equality would create discord within the US, just as the Soviets desired, and that civil rights activists were tainted by communist affiliations. Many segregationists viewed themselves as committed Cold Warriors, undertaking closely connected fights against both a foreign ideological threat and a domestic social one. As such, the Cold War represented not only a divide between the US and the Soviet Union; it also reflected a debate within the United States over the relationship between racial justice, national security, and foreign policy. Understanding that segregationists viewed their cause as a Cold War imperative recasts dominant views within legal academia, where this essential component of 'Brown's' geopolitical context remains under-appreciated. While it is tempting to dismiss every segregationist invocation of anti-communism as the product of either irrationality or opportunism, it would be a mistake to do so. Linking segregation with anti-communism transformed the defense of Jim Crow from a regional priority into a national one. Anti-communism also helped resolve a core tension in the segregationist belief that Black citizens did not actually want integration, allowing civil rights lawsuits to be attributed to communist agitation. Reckoning with this significant element of the civil rights era, this article thus illuminates the logic of a racist worldview. In so doing, it provides a fuller, more accurate portrait of a critical period in constitutional history, of the complex dynamics undergirding legal change, and of the malleable, tenacious character of racism in modern America.

By the kind of cosmic coincidence that marked so much of Ned Cobb's life, a group of family members, scholars, and community folk gathered almost exactly forty-six years to the day of his death to commemorate and discuss his remarkable life. Dale wrote one of the earliest studies of Mr. Cobb and the Sharecropper's Union (SCU), the radical organization that he belonged to in the 1930s.1 Ted molded Mr. Cobb's life story into one of the classic works of Southern Studies, the National Book Award-winning All God's Dangers: The Life of Nate Shaw.2 As they relay in the interview transcribed here, the Rosengartens first came to Tallapoosa County out of an interest in the SCU. All God's Dangers became a story about the fabric of everyday life for Mr. Cobb. Because of this, it is perhaps the best documentary evidence that we have of the experiences and thoughts of a Black sharecropper, both in Alabama and in the broader South. Enter the picture: two idealistic young students at Harvard who find their way to Alabama in the same way that a generation earlier, Walker Evans and James Agee found their way to Hale County and wrote a landmark book, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men.5 It became an icon for how you document culture and the American South.

Finalist, ABA Silver Gavel Award for Books The New York Times bestseller that has cemented Elie Mystal's reputation as one of our sharpest and most acerbic legal minds \"After reading Allow Me to Retort, I want Elie Mystal to explain everything I don't understand-quantum astrophysics, the infield fly rule, why people think Bob Dylan is a good singer . . .\" -Michael Harriot, The Root Allow Me to Retort is an easily digestible argument about what rights we have, what rights Republicans are trying to take away, and how to stop them. Mystal explains how to protect the rights of women and people of color instead of cowering to the absolutism of gun owners and bigots. He explains the legal way to stop everything from police brutality to political gerrymandering, just by changing a few judges and justices. He strips out all of the fancy jargon conservatives like to hide behind and lays bare the truth of their project to keep America forever tethered to its slaveholding past. Mystal brings his trademark humor, expertise, and rhetorical flair to explain concepts like substantive due process and the right for the LGBTQ community to buy a cake, and to arm readers with the knowledge to defend themselves against conservatives who want everybody to live under the yoke of eighteenth-century white men. The same tactics Mystal uses to defend the idea of a fair and equal society on MSNBC and CNN are in this book, for anybody who wants to deploy them on social media. You don't need to be a legal scholar to understand your own rights. You don't need to accept the \"whites only\" theory of equality pushed by conservative judges. You can read this book to understand that the Constitution is trash, but doesn't have to be.

In an unpublished treatise titled \"But Much Yet Remains to Be Done,\" Featherston called for state laws to be \"faithfully administered,\" to ensure that \"life, liberty & property are well protected without regard to race, color or previous condition.\" On economic development, Woodward suggests, the traditional divide between forward-looking industrialists and backward-looking planters could erode.7 Rather than locating the modern South's ideas about law and order in scaled conservative traditions, historians might also look for the influence of New South liberalism. Michael O'Brien reserves the term liberal for white male members of the intelligentsia who consciously spurned the antebellum period's defensive posture toward racism, slavery, and regionalism. To the extent that it may be useful to think of these ideas as liberal, it is because this paradigm of armed state power reached back to classical liberalism's settler warfare and survived deep into the twentieth century, extending to what historians identify as the nonpartisan law-and-order liberalism of Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard M. Nixon, and their inheritors.12 Building on N. D. B. Connolly's claim that \"Jim Crow was liberalism\" and his charge \"not to take at face value the presumed divides between classical liberalism, growth

Abstract Similar to other parts of the United States, its southern region is still wrestling with the implications of the resegregation of America’s schools. Unlike other parts of the country, however, the Deep South demons are rooted in a vastly different historical context. This chapter offers an historical analysis of the educational problems in the Deep South, with strong emphasis on gifted programming. Further, in this chapter, we present and describe a framework that could guide educators as they strive to identify giftedness among children of color and implement programming in a culturally responsive manner.

In his 1940 short story \"Afternoon\" as well as reviews published in the early 1940s, Ralph Ellison contributed to conversations about Black labor in the Jim Crow era via a focus on the burgeoning field of professional sports. In their roleplaying as professional athletes, Ellison's young protagonists Buster and Riley engage in utopian performative acts that conjure an alternative world in which their labor is free of the demands of white patrons. Ellison's short fiction has been almost universally ignored by scholars, but \"Afternoon\" demonstrates Ellison's contribution to a key debate in mid-twentieth century Black life and culture, as well as his anticipation of the labor-based sports activism of recent years.

Inside the Miami Beach Convention Hall, the cheering crowd lionized Clay as a young champion, though outside the ring's glory, Black people were prohibited from the surrounding tourist paradise. The Green Book pinpointed where Black motorists could find gas, entertainment, food, lodging, and luxury. With an iron double staircase anchoring the check-in desk, it grandly displayed Mediterranean architecture and offered air-conditioned rooms to characteristically well-dressed guests. Connolly explains how Brownsville residents, like many homeowners in Black Miami, experienced being denied permits for home improvements, predatory policing, insufficient city services, price gouging, and a litany of other anti-Black property relations.