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In the increasingly interconnected world of today, the boundaries between domestic and foreign policies are more fluid and penetrable as ever. The well-known and rather worn metaphor of the butterfly effect found an appropriate correspondent in the attention the world paid to the domestic event of the 19th Congress of the Communist Party of China that convened in the autumn of 2017, as its decisions were expected to have an impact on the country’s foreign policy as well. A New Era was defined within the The Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics that was included in the Party’s constitution, together with the Belt and Road Initiative. Decisions adopted in the following months outlined what allows for identifying at least four characteristics – the Four C’s – of China’s thinking, with a particular focus on international relations: continuity; creativity; consistency; and comprehensiveness. How they underpin China’s foreign policy seems to be crucially important in its understanding of the world order and, ever so more telling, for what it may consider of doing about it.

The U.S. policy paradigm has shifted in the first years of the Biden Administration toward a more robust industrial strategy. Over the next decade, trillions of public and private-sector dollars will be invested in technologies and industries deemed critical to national and economic security. This sets the U.S. on a new trajectory, one that accelerates the development and growth of innovative technologies and key industries while also attempting to rebuild U.S. manufacturing capabilities and the middle class more broadly. This shift in U.S. policy is generating significant debate about the merits of industrial policies and their efficacy. This paper outlines the promises and pitfalls of industrial strategy and the key provisions in the three pieces of recent legislation including “guardrails” and “conditionalities” that are meant to put the country on a path toward successful implementation. While there has been significant focus on the “what” of the Biden industrial strategy, less attention has been paid to the “how.” This paper reviews the criteria by which to judge the how, the key provisions of the new legislation, and broader challenges and limitations to meeting all of the Biden Administration industrial strategy objectives.

In the decades following Europe's first total war, millions of British men and women looked to the League of Nations as the symbol and guardian of a new world order based on international co-operation. Founded in 1919 to preserve peace between its member-states, the League inspired a rich, participatory culture of political protest, popular education and civic ritual that found expression in the establishment of voluntary societies in dozens of countries across Europe and beyond. Through the hugely popular League of Nations Union (LNU), this pro-League movement touched Britain in profound ways. Foremost amongst the League societies, the LNU became a pioneering advocate of democratic accountability and popular engagement in the making of foreign policy. This book offers an account of this popular League consciousness, revealing the extraordinarily vibrant character of associational life between the wars. It explores the complex constituencies making up the popular League movement and shows how internationalism intersected with class, gender, religion and party politics during a period of profound social, cultural and political change.

The governance of global communications is consolidating as a field where innovative political practices of multi-actor collaboration are being experimented. Within this broad political landscape, the Internet governance domain is emerging as one of the most relevant areas where institutional and non-institutional actors are converging in order to reform collectively governance mechanisms that will determine the future developments of the Internet technology. This book adopts a network approach to study the progressive and collective construction of a new discourse on Internet governance fostered by the realization of the United Nations Internet Governance Forum, a new “space for multi-stakeholder policy-dialogue” (WSIS Tunis Agenda 2005, art. 72). Looking both at how semantic and social connections are created in the online and the offline discursive spaces, this book seeks to provide insights on how principles of democratic collaboration between institutional and non-institutional actors are translated into actual political dynamics; on how the global political agenda on the governance of the Internet comes to be shaped thanks to the provision of heterogeneous and sometimes opposite thematic inputs; and, finally, on how the roles of States, intergovernmental bodies, civil society entities in participatory supra-national politics are progressively being (re)defined. Starting form the Internet governance case study, this books aims at providing an alternative approach to the study of supra-national politics as well as of global communication governance processes: one that considers simultaneously contents and processes of political dynamics and examines how immaterial resources, such as information and communication, become a new field for multi-actor politics experiments, conflicts and network construction.

In the early 2020s we live in the transition period between two world systems, the Old World Order (OWO) and the New World Order (NWO), in a deep ‘polycrisis’. Therefore, the term transformation has recently appeared in official EU documents as well as in political science literature. The transition to the NWO has begun with this crisis management and it will produce a radical transformation of the entire global architecture in the 2020s. In its conceptual framework this paper focuses on the contrast between ‘de‑coupling’ and ‘de ‑risking’, as it has been explained very markedly in the recent speeches of the president of the European Commission, Ursula van der Leyen (EC 2023a), and the national security adviser, Jake Sullivan (The White House 2023). This contrast symbolises the US policy, concentrating more on cutting or reducing connectivity among the various policy fields, versus the EU policy turning them safe and interdependent. These approaches represent the US and EU attitude in the emerging New World Order, and primarily in their relationships to China.

The paper explores the role of the European Union (EU) in the war in Ukraine, from the run-up of the war to its impact on the EU’s future structure and functions, within Europe and globally. It begins with an account of the condition of the EU before the war, which it describes as overextended and stagnant with respect to the EU’s proclaimed finalité, the “ever closer union of the peoples of Europe.” Next, it recounts the use of the EU in early American attempts to include Ukraine in the East European enlargement of NATO, with EU membership as a reward for Ukrainian Westernization. To the EU leadership, this presented an opportunity to revive older, by then largely failed attempts at supranational unification and centralization, by offering to the United States to serve as its transatlantic base for its Ukrainian strategy. Following this, the paper explores the consequences for the EU and its stronger member states of the impending American withdrawal from the Ukrainian war theater, as the US turns to its conflict with China. The final section discusses the conditions under which Europe, the European states, and the EU can hope for some kind of strategic and political autonomy in the emerging new New World Order.

This paper aims to shed light into Turkey's political and diplomatic history by focusing on its efforts to join the United Nations (UN). The search for a new political system in Turkey coincided with the global quest for a new world order, initiated by the UN's four founding members during the Second World War. After a brief discussion on the making of the UN and its predecessors, the paper delves into Turkey's position during the war, followed by an analysis of the ruling elites' perceptions as reflected in parliamentary debates and the contemporary national press coverage. Furthermore, the paper evaluates the influence of UN membership on the emergence of a multi-party system in Turkey and discusses how and why the change of the global political climate contributed to the transformation of the Turkish political system.

Modern technology has enabled anyone with a digital camera or cell phone to capture images of newsworthy events, and news organizations around the world depend on these images for their coverage of unfolding events. This book considers the ethical and professional issues that arise with the use of amateur images in the mainstream news media.

The 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia had far-reaching effects on the world. It disrupted trade and caused a shift in the global power balance. Western nations responded by imposing sanctions on Russia, but the BRICS countries, such as South Africa, took a different approach. This led experts to predict the emergence of a new global order. This article examines South Africa’s role as a member of BRICS in this new order. Specifically, it seeks to answer the following questions: Can South Africa contribute to shaping the new world order? How can it use its BRICS membership to do so? What challenges and prospects does the new order present for South Africa? The article uses a qualitative approach and document analysis to study policies, press releases, and speeches. It shows that the position taken by South Africa suggests that it supports overhauling the current world order, which is primarily controlled by Western powers who create rules without regard for international law. The article exposes South Africa’s belief that the current world order fails to account for new global developments and centres of influence. It concludes that South Africa advocates for a new, fair, and just world order based on international law. To achieve this, the article suggests that South Africa should leverage its regional influence, abundant resources, and developed financial system to establish a BRICS-driven new world order while keeping its national interests clear.