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Theories in sociology argue that family background and individual experiences shape cultural tastes and participation. Yet, we do not know the relative importance of each explanation or the extent to which family background operates via shared genes or shared environments. In this article, we use new data on same-sex monozygotic and dizygotic twins from Denmark to estimate the total impact of family background (genetic and environmental) and individual experiences on highbrow and lowbrow tastes and participation and on omnivorousness in music and reading. We find that family background explains more than half of the total variance in cultural tastes and participation and in omnivorousness. Moreover, family background operates mainly via shared genes, with shared environments shaping cultural tastes to some extent, but not cultural participation. Our findings support theories claiming that family background is instrumental in shaping cultural tastes and participation but highlight the relevance of distinguishing genetic and environmental aspects of family background.

Recent research and theory at the intersection of cultural sociology and network analysis have converged around the notion of cultural holes: patterns of cultural choice that position the person as a bridge not between other persons but between cultural worlds. This is an approach that promises to open up new vistas in our conceptualization of the relationship between social position and cultural taste, but that so far lacks operational grounding. In this article, I draw on Breiger's (1974) formalization of the idea of the duality of persons and groups along with classical formalizations of brokerage for sociometric networks (Burt 1992) to suggest that the \"cultural ego network\" of a typical survey respondent can be reconstructed from patterns of audience overlap among the cultural items that are chosen by each respondent. This leads to a formalizaron of the notion of omnivorousness as relatively low levels of clustering in the cultural network: namely, omnivorousness as cultural network efficiency. I show how this metric overcomes the difficulties that have plagued previous attempts to produce ordinal indicators of omnivorousness from simple counts of the number of cultural choices, while providing novel substantive (and sometime counter-intuitive) insights into the relationship between socio-demographic status markers and patterns of cultural choice in the contemporary United States.

The American culinary field has a experienced a broadening in recent decades. While French food retains high status, gourmet food can now come from a broad range of cuisines. This change mirrors a broadening in other cultural fields labeled \"omnivorousness\" within the sociology of culture. The authors take gourmet food writing as a case study to understand the rationales underlying omnivorousness. Their findings, based on qualitative and quantitative data, reveal two frames used to valorize a limited number of foods: authenticity and exoticism. These frames resolve a tension between an inclusionary ideology of democratic cultural consumption on the one hand, and an exclusionary ideology of taste and distinction on the other. This article advances our understanding of how cultural consumption sustains status distinctions in the face of eroding boundaries between highbrow and lowbrow culture. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Measurement of shared cultural schemas is a central methodological challenge for the sociology of culture. Relational Class Analysis (RCA) is a recently developed technique for identifying such schemas in survey data. However, existing work lacks a clear definition of such schemas, which leaves RCA's accuracy largely unknown. Here, I build on the theoretical intuitions behind RCA to arrive at this definition. I demonstrate that shared schemas should result in linear dependencies between survey rows--the relationship usually measured with Pearson's correlation. I thus modify RCA into a \"Correlational Class Analysis\" (CCA). When I compare the methods using a broad set of simulations, results show that CCA is reliably more accurate at detecting shared schemas than RCA, even in scenarios that substantially violate CCA's assumptions. I find no evidence of theoretical settings where RCA is more accurate. I then revisit a previous RCA analysis of the 1993 General Social Survey musical tastes module. Whereas RCA partitioned these data into three schematic classes, CCA partitions them into four. I compare these results with a multiple-groups analysis in structural equation modeling and find that CCA's partition yields greatly improved model fit over RCA. I conclude with a parsimonious framework for future work.

In this study, I examine the institutional model of data science as a nascent profession undergoing an occupational founding phase. Drawing on interviews with sixty data scientists, senior managers, and professors from Israel as well as observations at the local professional community’s events, I argue that data scientists endorse an open institutional model, upholding largely internet-based institutions focusing on knowledge sharing, networking, and collaboration. This model grants data scientists expertise, autonomy, and authority vis-à-vis clients, employers, and states; provides them with continued credentialing independent of employing organizations; encourages the wide entry of new members; and helps them deal with the accelerated temporality of their field. This open model enables an omnivorous spreading of data science expertise and is used to challenge professionalization as an occupational-institutional model in other professions. Still, this model faces many challenges.

PurposeThis article explores consumers' attitudes to the trend of gourmet burgers, notably the gourmet burgers' combination of highbrow food (gourmet) and lowbrow food (fast food). The authors use the case of the NOMA cheeseburger from the iconic New Nordic restaurant NOMA.Design/methodology/approachThe data set consists of interviews (n = 20) with urban Danish consumers attending the NOMA burger pop-up.FindingsThe analysis highlights an acceptance among informants of “gourmetfied” burgers. This signals a change in the culinary status of burgers in Danish food culture. The authors also discovered some ambivalence in relation to the highbrow-lowbrow negotiations: while all informants celebrate the casualization of NOMA during the burger pop-up, half of the informants found the burger underwhelming: it did not live up to the edginess of the NOMA brand.Practical implicationsThe authors believe this research can inform people working with culinary highbrow-lowbrow mix in their food designs, notably in relation to developing and matching the relation between symbolic and material aspects of the food design.Originality/valueThe authors argue that the concept of transgression can help us theorize how consumers accept, refuse, and negotiate boundaries in relation to gourmet burgers, and more generally between food consumption mixing highbrow and lowbrow elements. More particularly, the authors propose to distinguish between symbolic, social, and material transgressions. This perspective might also be interesting for practitioners in the field.

Cultural consumption analysis focuses on factors related to consumption decisions, providing valuable insights for both industry and cultural policies. In this research, we analysed characteristics associated with cultural omnivorousness consumption in Colombia. We use data from the 2017 DANE Cultural Consumption Survey, covering 16 cultural activities, along with socioeconomic and demographic information about participants. Based on this, a volume-based omnivorousness variable was established for each individual, considering the number of distinct cultural activities consumed. The analysis employed Poisson regressions to identify factors associated with greater participation in distinct cultural activities, complemented with logistic regressions to characterize the profile of non-consumers. The results highlight that variables such as income, socioeconomic status, educational level, and age are significantly linked to both omnivorous cultural consumption and the likelihood of being part of the non-consuming group.

While social media influencers' impact on consumer choices in brands and products has been extensively studied, their influence in the realm of arts and culture, particularly literature, remains underexplored. This study fills this gap by examining the influence of literary influencers, or \"book influencers\", on readers' book choices and their likelihood of following such recommendations. Using source theory as our framework, we develop a model focused on the perceived credibility of these influencers. We hypothesize that this credibility depends on the influencer's characteristics, like popularity, and the reader's literary preferences, such as genre specialization. Our empirical experiment with 280 French readers reveals that an influencer's perceived credibility significantly affects readers' intentions to read a book, only when the influencer is less popular. This effect is amplified when readers lack genre specialization, indicating omnivorous reading habits. These findings challenge initial hypotheses and open new avenues for research into the role of literary influencers in shaping readers' choices.

This paper uses data gathered from an ESRC funded research project on social networks, social capital and lifestyle to provide an account of contemporary class identities derived from 178 in-depth interviews carried out in the Manchester area between 1997 and 1999. We use this data to unpack the ambivalent nature of contemporary class identities. We argue that despite the diversity of the sample, a number of common elements characterize people's attitudes to class. People are more hesitant in placing themselves in classes than they are about talking class as a social and political issue. Most people wish to see themselves as `outside' classes. Even so, class is a marker by which people relate their life histories, and most people are aware of class terminology. The major division in our sample is between those with the cultural capital to play reflexively with ideas of class, and those who lack these resources and feel threatened by the implications of relating class to their own personal identities. This latter group are mainly concerned to establish their own `ordinariness', which we read as a defensive device to avoid the politics of being labelled in class terms. Both middle-class and working-class identities can be used to establish ordinariness. We argue that sociologists should not assume that there is any necessary significance in how respondents define their class identity in surveys. We use these findings to take forward debates deriving from Bourdieu regarding class identity.

本研究聚焦在作為一種異質性社會化經驗來源的教育流動及其與文化資本的關聯性探討。本研究使用2007年施測的「臺灣地區社會變遷基本調查」資料做分析。研究的主要發現：一、臺灣社會透過音樂文化資本區辨出幾乎不消費、純食流行音樂、純食高雅音樂、雜食且偏好在地音樂、不一致的雜食等五種集群。二、音樂文化資本的劃界不僅出現在純食與雜食群體之間，雜食和純食群體內部還有各自的異質性。三、家庭背景是形塑音樂文化資本的最主要社會化脈絡，但並非唯一，社會流動過程所添加的音樂文化資本成了秀異的關鍵，故文化再製模型弱假設獲得支持。四、向上流動者的雜食特質是來自跨界流動經驗轉化為「排拒」和「仿效」兩種主要的社會實踐行動，上層低度流動者的雜食則是「區辨仿效者」和「文化善意」的結果。 This article focuses on educational mobility as a source of heterogeneity in the socialization experience and its association with cultural capital. This study utilizes data collected from the 2007 Taiwan Social Change Survey. The main research findings are as follows: (1) Five clusters were identified in Taiwanese society in terms of musical and cultural capital; (2) Although the demarcation of cultural capital is apparent between univorous and omnivorous groups, there is also heterogeneity within omnivorous and univorous groups; (3) Family background is the most important social context that shapes musical and cultural capital, but is not the only one to do so. The musical and cultural capital added during social mobility has become critical to the distinction, providing weak support for a cultural reproduction model. (4) The omnivorous traits of persons who experienced upward mobility resulted from the two major social practices of “rejection” and “imitation,” which transformed the cross-boundary mobility experience, whereas the low mobility experienced by individuals with omnivorous traits in high social classes resulted from “distinction imitators” and “cultural goodwill.”