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Democracy and Displacement in Colombia's Civil War is one of few books available in English to provide an overview of the Colombian civil war and drug war. Abbey Steele draws on her own original field research as well as on Colombian scholars' work in Spanish to provide an expansive view of the country's political conflicts. Steele shows how political reforms in the context of Colombia's ongoing civil war produced unexpected, dramatic consequences: democratic elections revealed Colombian citizens' political loyalties and allowed counterinsurgent armed groups to implement political cleansing against civilians perceived as loyal to insurgents. Combining evidence collected from remote archives, more than two hundred interviews, and quantitative data from the government's displacement registry, Steele connects Colombia's political development and the course of its civil war to purposeful displacement. By introducing the concepts of collective targeting and political cleansing, Steele extends what we already know about patterns of ethnic cleansing to cases where expulsion of civilians from their communities is based on nonethnic traits.

This article considers how the joint translation work of Josef Hiršal and Bohumila Grögerová may be seen as an attempt to undermine the communist regime’s political slogans by implementing changes in the language, and to promote change in the collective worldview. These efforts are first examined in the broader (international) context of concrete and experimental poetry of the 1950s and 1960s, whose transformations of language were a response to political propaganda and its abuse of language. The article then demonstrates, on the basis of interviews and Hiršal’s paper Několik poznámek k překládání Morgensternových Šibeničních písní (‘A few notes on the translation of Morgenstern’s Songs from the gallows’), how Hiršal and Grögerová conceived of translation as a form of linguistic experiment. Finally, by examining three poems from the translation of Šibeniční písně (‘Songs from the gallows’), the article shows the specific ways in which these subversive aims were carried out: by the practice of free translation; by emphasising language play, puns, and grotesque aspects of language; and by facilitating language modernisation. The primary aim was to detach oneself from ideas associated with official Czechoslovak literature by modifying and updating the language.

The conclusion situates Colombia, displacement, and elections during civil wars in comparative perspective, and discusses the long-term implications of displacement for peace-building and state-building. Though the specific combination of factors leading to political cleansing in Colombia is unique, the mechanisms that they triggered are not. In that sense, the unintended consequences of democratic reform in Colombia should be a warning for other civil war contexts. Further, the politics of displacement are enduring: in order for Colombia’s peace process to take hold, reparations to victims and land restitution need to be addressed – but the resistance to these forms of justice is likely to be fierce and politically powerful. More broadly, integrating the recently demobilized FARC into the political system should be undertaken with caution so it does not provoke a similar wave of violence and cleansing that this book describes.

The Introduction presents the stakes and scale of displacement, through the story of one man displaced in Colombia, Arturo. The chapter ties his story to the broader issue of displacement and explains why displacement is a form of violence that requires further understanding. It also presents key defintions, explains why Colombia is an important case to study, and outlines the rest of the book.

Urabá, the northwest region settled in part by families displaced by La Violencia and later by the FARC and the EPL, was also the region earliest affected by paramilitary conquest in the 1990s. I went to the region to investigate whether or not political cleansing was part of the campaign and, if so, whether or not it unfolded the way my theory would expect. The region would allow me to make comparisons between rural communities and towns, residents with differing political loyalties, and periods of contestation and control between armed groups. It was also possible to conduct fieldwork there in

Colombia’s vast and diverse landscape has been the stage for several rounds of violent political upheaval; the country has experienced nine civil wars since its founding in the early nineteenth century. The families displaced during the wars, and migrants searching for greater economic opportunities, chipped away at the frontier, clearing the forests for agriculture and cattle ranching. The population spread from the cool highlands of the Andes through the forests of the hot lowlands (LeGrand 1984, 31, 42). A war in the mid-twentieth century, known simply as La Violencia, accelerated the trend, as more than two million people—roughly 10

In Show Time , Lee Ann Fujii asks why some perpetrators of political violence, from lynch mobs to genocidal killers, display their acts of violence so publicly and extravagantly. Closely examining three horrific and extreme episodes-the murder of a prominent Tutsi family amidst the genocide in Rwanda, the execution of Muslim men in a Serb-controlled village in Bosnia during the Balkan Wars, and the lynching of a twenty-two-year old Black farmhand on Maryland's Eastern Shore in 1933-Fujii shows how \"violent displays\" are staged to not merely to kill those perceived to be enemies or threats, but also to affect and influence observers, neighbors, and the larger society. Watching and participating in these violent displays profoundly transforms those involved, reinforcing political identities, social hierarchies, and power structures. Such public spectacles of violence also force members of the community to choose sides-openly show support for the goals of the violence, or risk becoming victims, themselves. Tracing the ways in which public displays of violence unfold, Show Time reveals how the perpetrators exploit the fluidity of social ties for their own ends.

International treaties, conventions, and organizations to protect refugees were established in the aftermath of World War II to protect people escaping targeted persecution by their own governments. However, the nature of cross-border displacement has transformed dramatically since then. Such threats as environmental change, food insecurity, and generalized violence force massive numbers of people to flee states that are unable or unwilling to ensure their basic rights, as do conditions in failed and fragile states that make possible human rights deprivations. Because these reasons do not meet the legal understanding of persecution, the victims of these circumstances are not usually recognized as \"refugees,\" preventing current institutions from ensuring their protection. In this book, Alexander Betts develops the concept of \"survival migration\" to highlight the crisis in which these people find themselves. Examining flight from three of the most fragile states in Africa-Zimbabwe, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Somalia-Betts explains variation in institutional responses across the neighboring host states. There is massive inconsistency. Some survival migrants are offered asylum as refugees; others are rounded up, detained, and deported, often in brutal conditions. The inadequacies of the current refugee regime are a disaster for human rights and gravely threaten international security. InSurvival Migration, Betts outlines these failings, illustrates the enormous human suffering that results, and argues strongly for an expansion of protected categories.

\"Rushan's powerful memoir takes an unwavering stand against the CCP's brutality, not only exposing systematic oppression but empowering countless others to speak truth to power. Unbroken is an urgent call to action for policymakers, advocates, and all those committed to defending human dignity.\" – Rep. John Moolenaar, Chairman of the House Select Committee on China What happens when a mother, a freedom fighter, and a former U.S. Department of Defence contractor dares to speak out against one of the world's most powerful regimes? In Unbroken, Rushan Abbas—an Uyghur-American activist and a leader of Campaign for Uyghurs, an organization twice nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize(2022-2025).—delivers a gripping memoir of personal loss, global advocacy, and moral defiance. When her sister, Dr. Gulshan Abbas, was abducted by the Chinese regime in retaliation for Rushan's human rights work, it set off an international campaign to expose China's genocide against the Uyghur people. Abbas understood the cost of silence from her early work inside Guantánamo Bay as a translator to briefing U.S. military and intelligence officials. She leveraged her voice when speaking to Congress, the European Parliament, and at the United Nations, where her advocacy helped shape global policy and compel nations to recognize the CCP's atrocities. Her fight led to the groundbreaking UN Human Rights Office report delivered by Michelle Bachelet in 2022, which formally declared China's treatment of Uyghurs may constitute crimes against humanity. Blending firsthand testimony with investigative insight, Unbroken exposes a state campaign of mass surveillance, forced sterilization, family separation, and cultural erasure. But it also celebrates the resilience of women, diaspora communities, and grassroots movements across continents. Unbroken is a powerful blueprint for resistance—a deeply human story of how one woman challenged a superpower and built a global coalition for justice. For readers of I Am Malala, Know My Name, and The Sun Does Shine, this memoir affirms that the fight for Uyghur freedom is not only a national cause—it is a defining struggle for the soul of humanity.