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The Education Myth questions the idea that education represents the best, if not the only, way for Americans to access economic opportunity. As Jon Shelton shows, linking education to economic well-being was not politically inevitable. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, for instance, public education was championed as a way to help citizens learn how to participate in a democracy. By the 1930s, public education, along with union rights and social security, formed an important component of a broad-based fight for social democracy. Shelton demonstrates that beginning in the 1960s, the political power of the education myth choked off powerful social democratic alternatives like A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin's Freedom Budget. The nation's political center was bereft of any realistic ideas to guarantee economic security and social dignity for the majority of Americans, particularly those without college degrees. Embraced first by Democrats like Lyndon Johnson, Jimmy Carter, and Bill Clinton, Republicans like George W. Bush also pushed the education myth. The result, over the past four decades, has been the emergence of a deeply inequitable economy and a drastically divided political system.

Intellectual history has never been more relevant and more important to public life in the United States. In complicated and confounding times, people look for the principles that drive action and the foundations that support national ideals.American Labyrinthdemonstates the power of intellectual history to illuminate our public life and examine our ideological assumptions. This volume of essays brings together 19 influential intellectual historians to contribute original thoughts on topics of widespread interest. Raymond Haberski Jr. and Andrew Hartman asked a group of nimble, sharp scholars to respond to a simple question: How might the resources of intellectual history help shed light on contemporary issues with historical resonance? The answers-all rigorous, original, and challenging-are as eclectic in approach and temperament as the authors are different in their interests and methods. Taken together, the essays ofAmerican Labyrinthillustrate how intellectual historians, operating in many different registers at once and ranging from the theoretical to the political, can provide telling insights for understanding a public sphere fraught with conflict. In order to understand why people are ready to fight over cultural symbols and political positions we must have insight into how ideas organize, enliven, and define our lives. Ultimately, as Haberski and Hartman show in this volume, the best route through our contemporary American labyrinth is the path that traces our practical and lived ideas.

Political parties do not merely reflect social divisions, they actively construct them. While this point has been alluded to in the literature, surprisingly little attempt has been made to systematically elaborate the relationship between parties and the social, which tend to be treated as separate domains contained by the disciplinary division of labor between political science and sociology. This article demonstrates the constructive role of parties in forging critical social blocs in three separate cases, India, Turkey, and the United States, offering a critique of the dominant approach to party politics that tends to underplay the autonomous role of parties in explaining the preferences, social cleavages, or epochal socioeconomic transformations of a given community Our thesis, drawing on the work of Gramsci, Althusser, and Laclau, is that parties perform crucial articulating functions in the creation and reproduction of social cleavages. Our comparative analysis of the Republican and Democratic parties in the United States, Islamic and secularist parties in Turkey, and the Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress parties in India will demonstrate how \"political articulation\" has naturalized class, ethnic, religious, and racial formations as a basis of social division and hegemony. Our conclusion is that the process of articulation must be brought to the center of political sociology, simultaneously encompassing the study of social movements and structural change, which have constituted the orienting poles of the discipline.

Sixty years ago political divisions in the United States ran even deeper than today's name-calling showdowns between the left and right. Back then, to call someone a communist was to threaten that person's career, family, freedom, and, sometimes, life itself. Hysteria about the \"red menace\" mushroomed as the Soviet Union tightened its grip on Eastern Europe, Mao Zedong rose to power in China, and the atomic arms race accelerated. Spy scandals fanned the flames, and headlines warned of sleeper cells in the nation's midst--just as it does today with the \"War on Terror.\" In his new book,The Fear Within, Scott Martelle takes dramatic aim at one pivotal moment of that era. On the afternoon of July 20, 1948, FBI agents began rounding up twelve men in New York City, Chicago, and Detroit whom the U.S. government believed posed a grave threat to the nation--the leadership of the Communist Party-USA. After a series of delays, eleven of the twelve \"top Reds\" went on trial in Manhattan's Foley Square in January 1949. The proceedings captivated the nation, but the trial quickly dissolved into farce. The eleven defendants were charged under the 1940 Smith Act with conspiring to teach the necessity of overthrowing the U.S. government based on their roles as party leaders and their distribution of books and pamphlets. In essence, they were on trial for their libraries and political beliefs, not for overt acts threatening national security. Despite the clear conflict with the First Amendment, the men were convicted and their appeals denied by the U.S. Supreme Court in a decision that gave the green light to federal persecution of Communist Party leaders--a decision the court effectively reversed six years later. But by then, the damage was done. So rancorous was the trial the presiding judge sentenced the defense attorneys to prison terms, too, chilling future defendants' access to qualified counsel. Martelle's story is a compelling look at how American society, both general and political, reacts to stress and, incongruously, clamps down in times of crisis on the very beliefs it holds dear: the freedoms of speech and political belief. At different points in our history, the executive branch, Congress, and the courts have subtly or more drastically eroded a pillar of American society for the politics of the moment. It is not surprising, then, thatThe Fear Withintakes on added resonance in today's environment of suspicion and the decline of civil rights under the U.S. Patriot Act.

In this article I address explanations of postcolonial state formation in Korea. Focusing on the impact of Japanese colonial legacies on Korea in the early period of US occupation, I examine how the historical experience of colonial rule reformulated people's perception of collective membership in the national community, thereby conditioning and shaping Korea's postcolonial division. I pay particular attention to the historically shifting nature of collective identity and sense of belonging. My argument is that the significance of colonialism lies not merely in its institutional reproduction but especially in relational changes of the indigenous people and in reconstructing the meaning of nation and political community.

The paper puts forward an international development model based on entrepreneurial innovation and learning to explain the origin of recent U.S.-China Trade disputes. It argues that Schumpeterian innovation initiates a wave of \"creative response\" in an economy and widens income and productivity gaps between this economy and the rest of the world. Equipped with advanced military weapons and technological skills, the advanced nation (first mover) calls for free trade with an attempt to enter overseas markets. Preventing the collapse of their economies, governments of developing economies (latecomers) imposes tariff and other means to limit import of foreign goods. This is the beginning of international conflict. Taking the advantages of cheap labor and resources in developing areas, transnational corporations from the advanced nation enter developing economies in the form of foreign direct investment. They soon penetrate and destroy traditional industries of developing economies. Being weak in technologies and resources, developing economies have no choice but to follow the leader and are content to be a follower. Hence, the world enters into a state of cooperation and harmony. At the same time, foreign direct investment entering developing areas provides opportunities for latecomer firms to learn and catch up. Through learning and imitation from transnational firms, latecomer firms are able to produce and sell imitative and improved products at lower prices. As international markets are flooded with cheap and improved goods, profit margins in the international market decline. Seeing that latecomer economies are able to catch up and threaten its supreme global position, the advanced nation reverts its free trade strategies and calls for trade protection. The tension between two economic camps (the first mover and latecomer economies) increases. This dilemma will not be resolved until another wave of Schumpeterian innovation emerges to redefine the international division of labor and world economic order. This model is illustrated by USChina trade relationship since 1979 and allows us to understand the recent US-China trade disputes.

How has male-only draft registration been ideologically justified in the United States? Feminist International Relations and Security Studies scholars would, correctly, point to the strong association between masculinity and militarism in explaining the preservation of male-only registration. I argue, however, that feminist political-sociological scholarship on the centrality of the male breadwinner/female caregiver distinction to numerous federal programs sheds light on ideological justification for women’s exclusion from draft registration. Much like other federal programs, concerns with women’s dependency and men’s economic independence shaped the Selective Service System in 1917. Fear of unraveling the family’s sexual division of labor persisted when Congress renewed all-male draft registration in 1980, a position to which the Supreme Court deferred in 1981. I conclude by arguing that the draft’s problematic nature would endure if women were required to register with Selective Service and that the new arrangement would likely reproduce multiple inequalities.

\"Samuelson's Concern\" and \"Kindleberger Trap\" are cited as justifications for trade protectionism under the Trump administration. After reviewing Samuelson's and Kindleberger's trade theories, this paper finds that both Samuelson and Kindleberger are actually proponents of free trade, and that their common concern is falling US competitiveness due to its economic model, domestic institutional rules, and unilateralism. Both the \"Samuelson's Concern\" and \"Kindleberger Trap\" are distortions of Samuelson's and Kindleberger's original theories and the arguments' defense of protectionism cannot overcome the challenges confronting the U.S. and will destabilize international economic order.

The late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Caribbean was the setting for significant and far-reaching changes in long-established European political, social and economic ideals. One of the major events that resulted from the precarious times and in turn produced further transformations was the Haitian revolution. The established studies of early nineteenth-century Haiti have emphasized the significant division separating a perceived mixed-race ancient libres caste from a black nouveau libres caste. However, systematic study of Haiti's first constitutions reveals that, while this division played a significant role in political and everyday life, the articulation of a single \"imagined community\" also characterized official descriptions of the newly independent nation. Between 1801 and 1807 four constitutions defined Haiti in different ways, but all represented Haiti as a cohesive state. The importance of gaining a better understanding of the changing constitutional constructions of Haiti extends to research on nationbuilding efforts in both colonizing and colonized societies around the nineteenth-century world.