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Finalist, 2021 Writers' League of Texas Book Award For John Nance \"Cactus Jack\" Garner, there was one simple rule in politics: \"You've got to bloody your knuckles.\" It's a maxim that applies in so many ways to the state of Texas, where the struggle for power has often unfolded through underhanded politicking, backroom dealings, and, quite literally, bloodshed. The contentious history of Texas politics has been shaped by dangerous and often violent events, and been formed not just in the halls of power but by marginalized voices omitted from the official narratives. A Single Star and Bloody Knuckles traces the state's conflicted and dramatic evolution over the past 150 years through its pivotal political players, including oft-neglected women and people of color. Beginning in 1870 with the birth of Texas's modern political framework, Bill Minutaglio chronicles Texas political life against the backdrop of industry, the economy, and race relations, recasting the narrative of influential Texans. With journalistic verve and candor, Minutaglio delivers a contemporary history of the determined men and women who fought for their particular visions of Texas and helped define the state as a potent force in national affairs.

This study analyzes the speech acts of political figures in Commission X of the Indonesian House of Representatives (Komisi X DPR RI) within the context of educational development discourse. Drawing on interpersonal pragmatics, the study critically evaluates the pragmatic force of political speeches, focusing on politeness strategies as outlined by Leech and Brown & Levinson, alongside Grice’s cooperative principle. An analysis of 66 public utterances from 2019 to 2024 reveals that while the majority of speech acts (86.4%) adhere to politeness conventions, 13.6% involve violations. These utterances reflect political figures’ attempts to influence, persuade, and criticize government policies, often employing irony and hyperbole as rhetorical strategies. The findings emphasize the importance of maintaining politeness in political discourse, especially in shaping public opinion and influencing educational policy. The study suggests that political figures should serve as role models by adhering to conversational principles while representing the public’s aspirations. Furthermore, it highlights the need for a strategic framework to guide political figures in maintaining politeness, contributing to more cooperative and respectful parliamentary dialogue.

In the decades between the French Revolution and the first stirrings of liberalism in the 1830s, German political culture defined itself apart from that of its neighbors to the west. Focusing on the career of Johann Cotta, the preeminent publisher of his generation, this book offers a lens through which we can more fully view and understand these turbulent years. Cotta is a familiar figure in the history of German letters, but his public life has never been studied comprehensively. He financed and directed the Allgemeine Zeitung of Augsburg, which would become one of the great European newspapers of the nineteenth century. He was the first German to convert money and cultural prestige into political power by means of the press. Cotta and his colleagues emerge not as liberals, but as characteristic figures of the Reform era. Their aim was to define and institutionalize a realm of thought and action beyond the control of the state, but short of opposed to it--a \"public\" realm in which intellectual independence and political loyalty would be equally well served. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1990.

Personality approaches to politics are often criticized for not examining the effect that institutional role constraints have on individual beliefs and preferences. When leaders appear to change their stance when they change roles, it is assumed that roles have a determining influence. Modern personality theory and contemporary sociological role theory, however, view the effects of roles as interacting with agents' personalities. In this article, we investigate this question by comparing personality profiles of three Turkish leaders (Özal, Demirel, and Güi) during their tenure as prime minister and during their subsequent time as president. For Güi, we perform an additional comparison during his time as foreign minister. The personality profiles are in the form of quantitative scores generated from machine-coded content analysis of leaders' words using the Leadership Trait Analysis method. We hypothesize that different leaders will be more susceptible to changing role contexts, depending on core personality traits, and that different traits are more likely to change with new roles. Overall, our results suggest that leaders' traits are fairly resistant to changes across roles and that task orientation is the most likely trait to change as leaders adapt to different role demands and expectations. This study makes a contribution to our understanding of the interaction between personality and political contexts by offering specific theoretically derived hypotheses and by empirically and statistically examining a preliminary set of expectations that could be applied more broadly to other leaders.

PurposeThis paper refines the Digital Media–Arena (DMA) framework to address the diversity of stakeholders contributing to the production, (re)appropriation and (re)distribution of organisational messages in digital environments. It also presents a case analysis for the purpose of demonstrating the applicability of the revised conceptual framework to a critical situation.Design/methodology/approachGrounded in key public relations, corporate communication and strategic communication research, this study first extends the DMA framework by introducing six new forms of media-arenas. Next, the study takes a public sector perspective to analyse the revised framework against a critical situation involving the Finnish prime minister in summer 2022.FindingsThe application of the revised DMA framework to analyse the critical situation shows the importance of mapping and understanding diverse discourses across multi-arenas and their communication role in a rapidly unfolding scandal surrounding the prime minister of Finland. Findings also reveal the diversity of stakeholder voices forming their own versions of organisational messages and sometimes converging organisational messages within and across DMAs.Practical implicationsThe DMA framework can offer practical suggestions to guide communicators to make strategic choices in what, where, how and with whom they can communicate.Originality/valueThe revised DMA framework contributes expanding the field's knowledge of the strategic communicative use of the digital environment in typically highly volatile and multi-vocal situations by offering instrumental understanding of the conflicting challenge between subjugating and liberating organisational messages across the digital spectrum.

Revered by Americans across the political spectrum, Barbara Jordan was \"the most outspoken moral voice of the American political system,\" in the words of former President Bill Clinton, who awarded her the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1994. Throughout her career as a Texas senator, U.S. congresswoman, and distinguished professor at the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs, Barbara Jordan lived by a simple creed: \"Ethical behavior means being honest, telling the truth, and doing what you said you were going to do.\" Her strong stand for ethics in government, civil liberties, and democratic values still provides a standard around which the nation can unite in the twenty-first century. This volume brings together several major political speeches that articulate Barbara Jordan's most deeply held values. They include: \"Erosion of Civil Liberties,\" a commencement address delivered at Howard University on May 12, 1974, in which Jordan warned that \"tyranny in America is possible\"\"The Constitutional Basis for Impeachment,\" Jordan's ringing defense of the U.S. Constitution before the House Judiciary Committee investigating the Watergate break-inKeynote addresses to the Democratic National Conventions of 1976 and 1992, in which Jordan set forth her vision of the Democratic Party as an advocate for the common good and a catalyst of changeTestimony in the U.S. Congress on the confirmation of Supreme Court nominee Robert Bork and on immigration reformMeditations on faith and politics from two National Prayer BreakfastsAcceptance speech for the 1995 Sylvanus Thayer Award presented by the Association of Graduates of the United States Military Academy, in which Jordan challenged the military to uphold the values of \"duty, honor, country\" Accompanying the speeches are context-setting introductions by volume editor Max Sherman. The book concludes with the eloquent eulogy that Bill Moyers delivered at Barbara Jordan's memorial service in 1996, in which he summed up Jordan's remarkable life and career by saying, \"Just when we despaired of finding a hero, she showed up, to give the sign of democracy... This is no small thing. This, my friends, this is grace. And for it we are thankful.\"

Why are independent courts rarely found in emerging democracies? This book moves beyond familiar obstacles, such as an inhospitable legal legacy and formal institutions that expose judges to political pressure. It proposes a strategic pressure theory, which claims that in emerging democracies, political competition eggs on rather than restrains power-hungry politicians. Incumbents who are losing their grip on power try to use the courts to hang on, which leads to the politicization of justice. The analysis uses four original datasets, containing 1,000 decisions by Russian and Ukrainian lower courts from 1998 to 2004. The main finding is that justice is politicized in both countries, but in the more competitive regime (Ukraine) incumbents leaned more forcefully on the courts and obtained more favorable rulings.

Historically, the closure of a party is a common phenomenon in Turkish politics. While the recent case against the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) was reminiscent of this trend, the decision of the Constitutional Court demonstrated that there are changes in the dynamics of the Turkish political structure. Although the literature cites the so-called '28 February Process', the impact of EU accession, and the learning effects of democratization as explanations for the distinction of the AKP from its predecessors, this article argues that the AKP is different due to its extended business network and newly defined conservative base. The decision of the court in the recent closure case against the AKP reflects this structural political change within the foundation of Islamic parties in Turkey. While the court acknowledged the political legitimacy of the party by taking a decision against its closure, it has revealed the general discontent regarding AKP's non-adjusted conservative/pro-Islamic policies by cutting down its financial means.