Explore the vast range of titles available.

Likert response surveys are widely applied in marketing, public opinion polls, epidemiological and economic disciplines. Theoretically, Likert mapping from real-world beliefs could lose significant amounts of information, as they are discrete categorical metrics. Similarly, the subjective nature of Likert-scale data capture, through questionnaires, holds the potential to inject researcher biases into the statistical analysis. Arguments and counterexamples are provided to show how this loss and bias can potentially be substantial under extreme polarization or strong beliefs held by the surveyed population, and where the survey instruments are poorly controlled. These theoretical possibilities were tested using a large survey with 14 Likert-scaled questions presented to 125,387 respondents in 442 distinct behavioral-demographic groups. Despite the potential for bias and information loss, the empirical analysis found strong support for an assumption of minimal information loss under Normal beliefs in Likert scaled surveys. Evidence from this study found that the Normal assumption is a very good fit to the majority of actual responses, the only variance from Normal being slightly platykurtic (kurtosis ~ 2) which is likely due to censoring of beliefs after the lower and upper extremes of the Likert mapping. The discussion and conclusions argue that further revisions to survey protocols can assure that information loss and bias in Likert-scaled data are minimal.

In an age of increasing political polarization, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) stands out as one of the most politically divisive pieces of legislation in recent history. Unlike previous laws making changes to the US health care system, public views of the ACA did not improve measurably as people gained experience with the program, but remained deeply divided on a partisan basis in the more than eight years since its passage. In this article, we examine how the complexity of the law, lack of understanding by the public, and elite partisan messaging have contributed to this enduring partisan divide, and discuss what the future may hold for the measurement of public opinion on major health care legislation.

We examine political polarization over climate change within the American public by analyzing data from 10 nationally representative Gallup Polls between 2001 and 2010. We find that liberals and Democrats are more likely to report beliefs consistent with the scientific consensus and express personal concern about global warming than are conservatives and Republicans. Further, the effects of educational attainment and self-reported understanding on global warming beliefs and concern are positive for liberals and Democrats, but are weaker or negative for conservatives and Republicans. Last, significant ideological and partisan polarization has occurred on the issue of climate change over the past decade.

The Very Large Array Sky Survey (VLASS) is a synoptic, all-sky radio sky survey with a unique combination of high angular resolution ( 2 5), sensitivity (a 1 goal of 70 Jy/beam in the coadded data), full linear Stokes polarimetry, time domain coverage, and wide bandwidth (2-4 GHz). The first observations began in 2017 September, and observing for the survey will finish in 2024. VLASS will use approximately 5500 hr of time on the Karl G. Jansky Very Large Array (VLA) to cover the whole sky visible to the VLA (decl. > −40°), a total of 33 885 deg 2 . The data will be taken in three epochs to allow the discovery of variable and transient radio sources. The survey is designed to engage radio astronomy experts, multi-wavelength astronomers, and citizen scientists alike. By utilizing an \"on the fly\" interferometry mode, the observing overheads are much reduced compared to a conventional pointed survey. In this paper, we present the science case and observational strategy for the survey, and also results from early survey observations.

This article uses data from the American National Election Studies and national exit polls to test Fiorina's assertion that ideological polarization in the American public is a myth. Fiorina argues that twenty-first-century Americans, like the midtwentieth-century Americans described by Converse, “are not very well-informed about politics, do not hold many of their views very strongly, and are not ideological” (2006, 19). However, our evidence indicates that since the 1970s, ideological polarization has increased dramatically among the mass public in the United States as well as among political elites. There are now large differences in outlook between Democrats and Republicans, between red state voters and blue state voters, and between religious voters and secular voters. These divisions are not confined to a small minority of activists—they involve a large segment of the public and the deepest divisions are found among the most interested, informed, and active citizens. Moreover, contrary to Fiorina's suggestion that polarization turns off voters and depresses turnout, our evidence indicates that polarization energizes the electorate and stimulates political participation.

Abstract Disclosure: D. Chen: None. R.A. Herrera: None. Q. Wang: None. E. Helgeson: None. N. Oldenburg: None. L.S. Chow: None. Introduction: Time-restricted eating (TRE) is an alternative option to caloric restriction (CR) for weight loss. Theoretically, TRE’s “watching the clock” might be easier than CR’s “watching calories” approach. Research comparing TRE vs CR on weight loss has been mixed; the sustainability of these dietary changes post-supervised intervention remains unknown We examined if participants in a 12 week supervised TRE vs CR sustained their dietary behaviors post-intervention. Methods: Adults 18-65 years old with a BMI > 30 kg/m2 recruited from MHealth Fairview Health System, Minnesota, were randomized to supervised TRE vs CR for a duration of 12 weeks between October 2020 and October 2023. Primary outcomes included weight loss, changes in body composition and metabolic flexibility. After the completion of the supervised intervention, participants were surveyed at 1, 3 and 6 months to evaluate if they continued their assigned dietary intervention. Results: 55 participants completed either 12 weeks of supervised TRE (n=29, 8-hour self-selected eating window) or CR (n=26, 15% reduction of daily caloric intake). Following the supervised intervention, 39 participants (71%; 22 TRE/17 CR) completed at least one follow-up survey administered at 1, 3, and 6 months post-intervention. Among survey respondents, participants reported continuing their assigned intervention at similar rates (p = 0.60): TRE (52%, 36%, and 47%) and CR (63%, 57%, and 50%) at 1, 3, and 6 months, respectively. TRE participants had mean self reported weight loss from the end of the supervised intervention to 1, 3, or 6 months post-intervention of -0.5 kg, -0.7 kg and 0 kg respectively. CR participants had mean weight loss at 1, 3 and 6 months of -1.6 kg, -1.5 kg and -2.4 kg, respectively. These trend differences were not statistically significant (p = 0.23). Among survey respondents, no difference was detected between groups (p=0.72) in rates of being likely to recommend their respective intervention to friends/family: TRE (81%, 85% and 86%) and CR (88%, 86% and 80%) at 1, 3 and 6 months, respectively. Discussion: Six months after a supervised intervention comparing TRE and CR, approximately half of participants reported maintenance of their assigned dietary intervention. While participants employing CR achieved greater weight loss, it was not significantly different compared to TRE. Participants from both groups reported satisfaction with their dietary intervention and were likely to recommend these dietary interventions to their friends or family. This study highlights the difficulty of continued weight loss via self-maintenance. Presentation: Sunday, July 13, 2025

Estimates indicate that as many as 1 in 4 Americans will experience a mental health problem or will misuse alcohol or drugs in their lifetimes. These disorders are among the most highly stigmatized health conditions in the United States, and they remain barriers to full participation in society in areas as basic as education, housing, and employment. Improving the lives of people with mental health and substance abuse disorders has been a priority in the United States for more than 50 years. The Community Mental Health Act of 1963 is considered a major turning point in America's efforts to improve behavioral healthcare. It ushered in an era of optimism and hope and laid the groundwork for the consumer movement and new models of recovery. The consumer movement gave voice to people with mental and substance use disorders and brought their perspectives and experience into national discussions about mental health. However over the same 50-year period, positive change in American public attitudes and beliefs about mental and substance use disorders has lagged behind these advances. Stigma is a complex social phenomenon based on a relationship between an attribute and a stereotype that assigns undesirable labels, qualities, and behaviors to a person with that attribute. Labeled individuals are then socially devalued, which leads to inequality and discrimination. This report contributes to national efforts to understand and change attitudes, beliefs and behaviors that can lead to stigma and discrimination. Changing stigma in a lasting way will require coordinated efforts, which are based on the best possible evidence, supported at the national level with multiyear funding, and planned and implemented by an effective coalition of representative stakeholders. Ending Discrimination Against People with Mental and Substance Use Disorders: The Evidence for Stigma Change explores stigma and discrimination faced by individuals with mental or substance use disorders and recommends effective strategies for reducing stigma and encouraging people to seek treatment and other supportive services. It offers a set of conclusions and recommendations about successful stigma change strategies and the research needed to inform and evaluate these efforts in the United States.

Some persons who have recovered from Covid-19 have antibodies to the spike protein of SARS-CoV-2. In 43 such persons who had received a first mRNA vaccine dose, high levels of neutralizing antispike antibodies were produced — in many cases even higher than after a second dose in 67 persons without baseline antibodies to the virus. Systemic reactions were more common in those seropositive before vaccination.