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Interwar Vienna was considered a bastion of radical socialist thought, and its reputation as \"Red Vienna\" has loomed large in both the popular imagination and the historiography of Central Europe. However, as Janek Wasserman shows in this book, a \"Black Vienna\" existed as well; its members voiced critiques of the postwar democratic order, Jewish inclusion, and Enlightenment values, providing a theoretical foundation for Austrian and Central European fascist movements. Looking at the complex interplay between intellectuals, the public, and the state, he argues that seemingly apolitical Viennese intellectuals, especially conservative ones, dramatically affected the course of Austrian history. While Red Viennese intellectuals mounted an impressive challenge in cultural and intellectual forums throughout the city, radical conservatism carried the day. Black Viennese intellectuals hastened the destruction of the First Republic, facilitating the establishment of the Austrofascist state and paving the way forAnschlusswith Nazi Germany. Closely observing the works and actions of Viennese reformers, journalists, philosophers, and scientists, Wasserman traces intellectual, social, and political developments in the Austrian First Republic while highlighting intellectuals' participation in the growing worldwide conflict between socialism, conservatism, and fascism. Vienna was a microcosm of larger developments in Europe-the rise of the radical right and the struggle between competing ideological visions. By focusing on the evolution of Austrian conservatism, Wasserman complicates post-World War II narratives about Austrian anti-fascism and Austrian victimhood.

Democratic policing has emerged as a key strategy in security sector reform (SSR), especially in post-conflict settings. Sierra Leone's post-conflict reconstruction agenda occasioned a SSR programme with an emphasis on the democratisation of the then-Sierra Leone Police Force. These reforms were aimed at transforming the once oppressive and corrupt, regime-focused institution, into a people centred and accountable force. Yet, after fifteen years of SSR, there has been little attempt to gauge the extent and nature of the impact of these reforms. In doing so, this paper draws heavily on the experiences of both state and non-state actors, while providing a reflection on what is required to further strengthen democratic policing in Sierra Leone.

Germans are often associated, and often associate themselves, with order. Theirs, it seems, is a culture in which people expect the state, society and economy to function. Yet at the end of the Second World War Germany experienced the most extreme disorder imaginable; then, to the surprise of many contemporaries, order was re-established very quickly. Indeed, Germany's transition in 1945--from war to peace, from extreme violence to the beginning of a long march towards settled conditions--is one of the most remarkable in modern history. Here, Bessel talks about ways of establishing order in post-war eastern Germany.

\"Nation-building\" is an increasingly frequent activity of Western governments and the United Nations, with Kosovo an important recent example. This study examines the reconstruction by the United Nations of Kosovo's internal security infrastructure from 1999 to 2004. It analyzes United Nations and other activities to build democratic police and justice systems. Through a model of security reconstruction, it examines in detail the primary security challenges facing Kosovo, the specific efforts the United Nations made to address these challenges, the ultimate effectiveness of the reconstruction in establishing stability and rule of law, and the linkages between reconstruction efforts and democracy. It concludes with several lessons for improving the effectiveness of such efforts in the future.