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Some Spanish language games involve reordering the syllables of the words. However, the stressed syllable of the game word does not always match the stressed syllable in the original Spanish word and/or the position of the stress in the original Spanish word. Using game words found in different sources, a corpus of 261 words from different Spanish games was created to account for the games’ stress patterns. The metrical structure of the language games (e.g., Vesre, which is a game in Argentina and Uruguay) was analyzed. The results of the analysis suggest that the game words’ metrical structures are composed of quantity-sensitive, right-aligned trochee, in which the stress falls in penultimate position in vowel-final words, and consonant-final words generally have final stress, confirming previous proposals about the default metrical structure of Spanish (Harris, 1983; Núñez-Cedeño and Morales-Front, 1999). Overall, these Spanish language games illustrate The Emergence of The Unmarked (TETU) in metrical structure, providing evidence of Spanish stress assignment, whereby the unmarked stress pattern is a right-aligned quantity-sensitive trochee.

Based on a first-time acoustic analysis of the checked-tone sandhi patterns in Suzhou (Northern Wu), I argue that the tone sandhi pattern of light-initial prosodic words in Suzhou can best be accounted for using two types of trochaic feet, disyllabic and bimoraic trochees (based on Kager 1993). The choice of which type of foot to use is made by mediating the quantity relationship between foot heads and dependents (cf. Head-Dependent Asymmetry/HDA; Dresher and van der Hulst 1998). Consequently, a light-heavy disyllable is parsed by a bimoraic trochee, satisfying HDA at the cost of violating Syllable Integrity (Breteler 2018; Kager and Martínez-Paricio 2018; Breteler and Kager 2022): (μ+. μ-)μ. The unfooted mora cannot bear any tone (cf. de Lacy 2002) and surfaces as pitch interpolation between phonological tones (Pierrehumbert and Beckman 1988; Gussenhoven 2004). This paper addresses a key debate in prosodic typology, viz. the interaction of tone, syllable quantity, and metrical structure (Kehrein et al. 2018).

This paper shows that the Liverpool English dorsal fricative, derived through the lenition of /k/, is subject to place of articulation assimilation, driven by the preceding vowel. This is similar to the vowel-driven aspects of typical perseverative Dorsal Fricative Assimilation (a type of palatalisation), as found, for example, in the German ich-Laut~ach-Laut alternation, where (among other things) a preceding front high or mid vowel is followed by the front dorsal [ç], and other vowels are followed by a back dorsal. However, the majority Liverpool English pattern differs from previously described cases of Dorsal Fricative Assimilation in that [ç] only occurs following long front high vowels, while a back dorsal remains after their short congeners. This type of quantity-sensitive pattern in assimilation has not been reported before. We use Centre of Gravity measurements to investigate this pattern of place assimilation, and argue for the use of an innovative normalisation technique for consonant measurements, based on measurements of /k/ aspiration in a linear regression model. We thus both expand the taxonomy of what is known to be possible in phonology and also provide new detail in the description of Liverpool English (including a proposal for the featural analysis of its vowel system).

We identify evidence supporting two amendments to standard metrical theory: the inclusion of layered feet, and the allowance of syllable-integrity violations, where a foot parses some, but not all, of a syllable’s constituents. The evidence comes from a High tone spreading process attested in Copperbelt Bemba (CB), which as reported by Bickmore and Kula (2013) et seq., occurs over a ternary domain. In quintessentially metrical fashion, the domain is sensitive to the presence and position of heavy syllables. Thus, we argue that metrical theory should take the CB data into account.CB ternary spreading can occur in contexts with an abundance of unparsed syllables on either side of the domain. We argue that this property is problematic for ‘Weak Layering’ accounts using binary feet (McCarthy and Prince 1986; Hayes 1995), which revolve around the minimal presence of unparsed syllables. We propose an alternative account using layered feet (Martínez-Paricio and Kager 2015), specifying an inner quantity-sensitive iamb and a strictly monomoraic adjunct. We show that a principled characterization of the spreading domain is that tone associates to all and only footed moras. We argue that a metrical analysis provides a more principled account of the data than can be achieved by Bickmore and Kula’s purely autosegmental analysis.Finally, we show that foot-based accounts of CB ternary spreading predict syllable-integrity violations (SIVs), where parsing consumes only the first of two tautosyllabic moras. Contrary to the common view that SIVs are universally disallowed, we embrace this result and put it in a typological context. We adopt an Optimality Theory constraint set to model SIVs (Kager and Martínez-Paricio 2018b), and extend it, paving the way for a typological investigation of SIVs.

The current study presents the delayed naming task as an effective tool for testing the robustness of phonotactic constraints. A delayed naming task was employed to test for quantity sensitivity among nonwords in Spanish. Results reveal a robust effect of stress modulation by syllable weight as evidenced by differential rates of error between penultimate diphthongs and monophthongs in nonwords marked for antepenultimate stress. Items containing phonotactically illicit diphthong/stress combinations were also shown to improve significantly over time, showing that the cognitive constraints on proscription can be overcome with sufficient preparation time. Rising and falling diphthongs were also shown to restrict antepenultimate stress differentially, replicating the findings of Shelton, Gerfen, and Gutiérrez Palma (2012) and revealing sensitivity to gradient weight distinctions in the lexicon. These findings offer further evidence in favor of nuanced quantity sensitivity in Spanish and demonstrate the utility of the delayed naming task to view phonotactic processing over time.

English, German, and Dutch show very similar word stress patterns, in that word stress is not fixed to a certain position within a word, but realized within the final three syllables. There is, however, no consensus on the actual stress-assigning algorithms and the role of quantity (e.g., Kiparsky 1982; Wiese 2000; Hayes 1995; Giegerich 1985, 1992; Trommelen and Zonneveld 1999a, b). Existing studies are methodologically problematic since they largely depend on convenience samples of existing words and do not test their claims with new words. Using mixed effects regression and classification trees as analytical tools, this paper presents the results of a production experiment with pseudowords and an analysis of large random samples as found in the CELEX lexical database. It is shown that stress assignment is sensitive to syllabic weight in all three languages, though in slightly different ways. The implications of these results for the metrical structure of the three languages are discussed.

This study reexamines the assignment of stress in the Paiwan language spoken in several central Paiwan villages, which differs from the other communalects in treating the central vowel, schwa /ə/, as a weak element with regards to the syllable and stress. Contrary to previous quality-sensitive analyses, this paper explores new data and argues for a quantity-sensitive account based on a variable weight system for closed syllables. It is shown that the inherently non-moraic coda consonants gain weight only to satisfy the requirement for an appropriate foot head. The special behavior of schwa in stress assignment also parallels to other phonological evidence in Paiwan such as its distributional restriction.

This chapter contains sections titled: Definition and functions of stress Patterns of word‐level stress in Spanish Metrical structure and stress Quantity‐sensitivity and related restrictions in Spanish stress patterns Stress in compounds Unstressed words Secondary stress Acoustic correlates of stress Spanish rhythm Conclusions References

The decision-making and optimization of two-echelon inventory coordination were analyzed with service level constraint and controllable lead time sensitive to order quantity. First, the basic model of this problem was established and based on relevant analysis, the original model could be transformed by minimax method. Then, the optimal order quantity and production quantity influenced by service level constraint were analyzed and the boundary of optimal order quantity and production quantity was given. According to this boundary, the effective method and tactics were put forward to solve the transformed model. In case analysis, the optimal expected total cost of two-echelon inventory can be obtained and it was analyzed how service level constraint and safety factor influence the optimal expected total cost of two-echelon inventory. The results show that the optimal expected total cost of two-echelon inventory is constrained by the higher constraint between service level constraint and safety factor.