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Race in the United States is most often talked about in terms of black and white, sometimes as a spectrum running from whiteness to blackness. Such a conception does not map onto actual racial structures in the United States and excludes Native Americans. This article will criticize this binary, detailing a theory of race in which colonialism and racism are prior to racial formation, following Patrick Wolfe and Michael Omi and Howard Winant. In assembling this theory, this article attempts to bridge philosophical critical race studies and Native American and Indigenous Peoples studies. It argues that to be a member of a race is to be in a relationship of dominance and resistance with settler colonialism. It discusses the implications of a political mode (following Tommie Shelby) of Native race in greater detail, including how it can be differentiated from ethnicity and tribal identity, and how it might be politically useful in anti-domination solidarity. Finally, the article examines the similarities and differences between Native race as construed here and concepts of being Indigenous, suggesting that what Indigenous is at the global level, Native race may be at the local.

In 1948, Eligio Castro and his wife, Elvira Flores, probably had to sneak into their home on Curve Street. At the time, the road, only a few blocks long, was all-white and occupied primarily by Dutch families. African Americans were excluded from this southwest neighborhood, but Castro and Flores—both Mexican Americans—reported Curve Street as their address when they baptized their son at the Cathedral of St. Andrew. Nevertheless, the Castro-Flores family soon disappeared from the 1948 city directory.¹ Perhaps the Castro-Flores family had only temporarily settled in Grand Rapids. They might have returned to their native Texas or

As a student in the mid-1940s in French schools in Senegal, Marie Louise Potin Gueye had a wildly diverse set of classroom experiences. The daughter of métis parents from royal Serer lineages, Potin Gueye was born into the small francophone elite in Saint Louis and was part of an even smaller subset of African girls pursuing formal education in the middle decades of the twentieth century.¹ In a 2010 interview with the French leftist magazine Libération, Potin Gueye, then seventy-eight, recalled how during the war, she and her classmates were forced to pay homage to Pétain at the start of

Objectives. To determine the prevalence of COVID-19–related discrimination among major US racial/ethnic groups and estimate associations between discrimination, race/ethnicity, and other sociodemographic characteristics. Methods. We conducted a nationally representative online survey of 5500 American Indian/Alaska Native, Asian, Black/African American, Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, Latino (English and Spanish speaking), White, and multiracial adults from December 2020 to February 2021. Associations between sociodemographic characteristics and COVID-19–related discrimination were estimated via multinomial logistic regression. Results. A total of 22.1% of the participants reported experiencing discriminatory behaviors, and 42.7% reported that people acted afraid of them. All racial/ethnic minorities were more likely than White adults to experience COVID-19–related discrimination, with Asian and American Indian/Alaska Native adults being most likely to experience such discrimination (discriminatory behaviors: adjusted odd ratio [AOR] = 2.59; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.73, 3.89; and AOR = 2.67; 95% CI = 1.76, 4.04; people acting afraid: AOR = 1.54; 95% CI = 1.15, 2.07; and AOR = 1.84; 95% CI = 1.34, 2.51). Limited English proficiency, lower education, lower income, and residing in a big city or the East South Central census division also increased the prevalence of discrimination. Conclusions. COVID-19–related discrimination is common, and it appears that the pandemic has exacerbated preexisting resentment against racial/ethnic minorities and marginalized communities. Efforts are needed to minimize and discredit racially driven language and discrimination around COVID-19 and future epidemics. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(3):453–466. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306594 )

Few studies have illustrated how racism influences Black women's use of reproductive health care services. This article presents findings of a collaborative study conducted by a research team and a reproductive justice organization to understand Black women's concerns with sexual and reproductive health services. The qualitative research was conducted with Black women living in Georgia and North carolina, using a community-based participatory research approach. Themes were developed from participant accounts that highlight how racism, both structural and individual, influenced their reproductive health care access, utilization, and experience. structural racism affected participants' finances and led some to forgo care or face barriers to obtaining care. Individual racism resulted in some women electing to receive care only from same-race medical providers. These findings suggest a need for policies and practices that address structural barriers to reproductive health care access and improve the reproductive health experience of Black women.

abstract The Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansion increased Medicaid eligibility for low-income adults regardless of their pregnancy or parental status. Variation in states' adoption of this expansion created a natural experiment to study the effects of expanding public insurance on insurance coverage, health care use, and health outcomes during preconception, pregnancy, and postpartum. We conducted a systematic review of relevant literature on this topic, analyzing twenty-four studies published between January 2014 and April 2021. We found that the ACA Medicaid expansion increased preconception and postpartum Medicaid coverage with corresponding declines in uninsurance, private insurance coverage, and insurance churn. There was limited evidence that Medicaid expansion increased perinatal health care use or improved infant birth outcomes overall, although some studies reported reduced racial and ethnic disparities in rates of prenatal and postpartum visit attendance, maternal mortality, low birthweight, and preterm births. Stronger data collection on preconception and postpartum outcomes with sufficient sample sizes to stratify by race and ethnicity is needed to assess the full impact of the ACA and emerging Medicaid policy changes, such as the postpartum Medicaid extension.

Racism is often considered to be less severe or pervasive in Canada compared with the United States. The present study is a comparative analysis of racial microaggressions experienced by people of colour (POC) in these two countries. The study also compared the association between microaggression exposure and adverse mental health outcomes for POC as well as compared White individuals on behavioural tendencies of microaggression commission and racial allyship. Participants from Canada ( n = 991) and the United States ( n = 919) completed validated self-report measures of microaggression exposure, racial trauma, depression, microaggression commission and allyship. Mean comparisons using multiple regression and factorial analyses of variance, controlling for relevant demographic variables, revealed that POC in Canada had greater microaggression exposure than POC in the United States and that Black people in both countries experienced more microaggressions than the other ethnic/racial groups examined. Microaggression exposure emerged as a significant predictor of racial trauma and of depressive symptoms. POC in Canada reported worse mental health than POC in the United States. Our findings also indicate that White Canadians were more likely to commit microaggressions but also more likely to engage in allied behaviour. These findings challenge the notion of ‘Canadian niceness’ by illuminating the subtle yet existing forms of everyday racism that persist in Canadian society and their associated psychological distress for POC. At the same time, evidence of heightened racial allyship among White Canadians indicates that there are important opportunities to harness allyship as a conduit for meaningful change. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

Background This study explores intersectionality in moral distress and turnover intention among healthcare workers (HCWs) in British Columbia, focusing on race and gender dynamics. It addresses gaps in research on how these factors affect healthcare workforce composition and experiences. Methods Our cross-sectional observational study utilized a structured online survey. Participants included doctors, nurses, and in-home/community care providers. The survey measured moral distress using established scales, assessed coping mechanisms, and evaluated turnover intentions. Statistical analysis examined the relationships between race, gender, moral distress, and turnover intention, focusing on identifying disparities across different healthcare roles. Complex interactions were examined through Classification and Regression Trees. Results Racialized and gender minority groups faced higher levels of moral distress. Profession played a significant role in these experiences. White women reported a higher intention to leave due to moral distress compared to other groups, especially white men. Nurses and care providers experienced higher moral distress and turnover intentions than physicians. Furthermore, coping strategies varied across different racial and gender identities. Conclusion Targeted interventions are required to mitigate moral distress and reduce turnover, especially among healthcare workers facing intersectional inequities.

Human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccination remains a critical public health priority. However, disparities in vaccine uptake persist across gender, racial/ethnic, and regional lines. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted routine immunizations and exacerbated vaccine hesitancy, further impacting HPV vaccination rates among adolescents. An online survey was completed by 2088 caregivers of children aged 9–17 in the Northeast and Southeast/Mid-Atlantic U.S. The Human Papillomavirus Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (HABS) assessed HPV vaccine attitudes, and the COVID-VAC scale assessed COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. Chi-squared analyses, logistic regression, ANOVA, and independent samples t-tests examined associations between vaccine hesitancy and caregiver gender, race, ethnicity, and urbanicity. Over half (55.7 %) of caregivers were vaccine-hesitant. Male caregivers (OR = 1.50, p < 0.001), American Indian/Alaska Native (OR = 5.16, p < 0.001), and Asian caregivers (OR = 1.59, p = 0.02) were more hesitant than White female caregivers. Hesitancy was higher in the Southeast/Mid-Atlantic (χ2 = 7.99, p = 0.005). Hispanic caregivers showed greater hesitancy on key HABS subscales (Affordability, Harms, Communication; all p < 0.05). Social strata analyses revealed significantly higher hesitancy among BIPOC urban males and White urban males. COVID-19 vaccine attitudes were correlated but not statistically significant. HPV vaccine hesitancy is shaped by intersecting identities and regional contexts. Gender-specific and culturally tailored public health strategies are needed, focusing on male caregivers and racial/ethnic minority populations. Future interventions must address mistrust and misinformation, especially in the Southeast/Mid-Atlantic and among AI/AN and Asian American families.