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The rise of the radical ‘New Right’ (NR) across much of the global political landscape is one of the most striking political developments of recent years. This article seeks to foster international theory’s critical engagement with the NR by providing an overview of its thinking about world politics and the challenges it presents. We argue that in many ways international theory is in fact uniquely positioned to provide such an engagement, and that it is essential that international theory comes to terms more fully with its political vision and theoretical claims if it is to engage effectively with this increasingly potent and often deeply troubling intellectual and political movement.

Challenges to the liberal international order have tended to focus on the politics of populism most often traced to reactions against economic dislocation and mass migration. Parts of this portrait are undoubtedly true, but it also risks being deeply misleading. To fully understand the nature and depth of contemporary far-right movements, we need to examine more closely the distinctive ideological movements that inform and animate them. This article explores one specific articulation of these movements: US paleoconservatism. Although relatively unknown in the mainstream media, this anti-establishment strain of radical conservatism has provided intellectual ammunition to a wide range of agents and ideological forces challenging the prevailing liberal order nationally and internationally, including important parts of the anti-liberal politics of foreign policy under President Donald Trump.

This article explores classic Eurasianism as part of right-wing European intellectual history. Between the two world wars, the Eurasianists shared many ideas with other European right-wing ideologists and in particular with the authors of the German «Conservative Revolution»: anti-liberalism, a hostile attitude towards parliamentarian democracy, anti-capitalism and the anti-individualist idea of an organic whole against the atomisation of society. However, unlike French or British right-wing intellectuals, Eurasianists did not hope to unite Europe on an illiberal basis; what they instead had in mind was overcoming «European» values and institutions in Eurasia, of which they conceived as a separate continent between Europe and Asia. This idea has been revitalised by the Russian Neo-Eurasianist circles around Aleksandr Dugin that have become a central part in European networks of the new Right of the twenty-first century.

This article analyses the British Neo-Tories of the 1930s as part of a pan-European counter-movement against political modernity. This network of right-wing intellectuals and allied Conservative politicians saw democracy, liberalism and capitalism in a state of degeneration and aimed at the establishment of a corporate state in Great Britain through a «revolution from above». The article concentrates on the importance on the transnational implications of this discourse and in particular of the exchange with their German intellectual counterparts. It emphasises how this exchange of ideas was affected by National Socialism on the British side and explores what the possibilities and limits of right-wing exchange between Germany and England were after Hitler’s rise to power. The article argues that for the Neo-Tories, the European exchange of ideas was a source of inspiration, reassurance and hope; however, it also eventually meant their downfall, as the beginning of the Second World War marked the end of British participation in transnational radical conservatism.

This article contributes to a comparative study of the «Conservative Revolution» in Europe by exploring the French journal Revue Universelle in the 1920s and the early 1930s. Led by Henri Massis, Jacques Bainville and Jacques Maritain, the intellectuals contributing to the journal developed a unique cultural politics that evoked the decadence and decline of Western civilization under the forces of modernity, and called for the defence and renewal of this civilization through revitalised conservative values of Catholicism, authoritative leadership, elitism, and a return to the spiritual sources of Western culture. However, while the Revue Universelle team intentionally cultivated a pan-European scope for their journal and promoted its cultural politics as a common language for all European conservatives, their aim was compromised by their francocentric and germanophobic conceptualisation of the West and civilization.

Interwar Vienna was considered a bastion of radical socialist thought, and its reputation as \"Red Vienna\" has loomed large in both the popular imagination and the historiography of Central Europe. However, as Janek Wasserman shows in this book, a \"Black Vienna\" existed as well; its members voiced critiques of the postwar democratic order, Jewish inclusion, and Enlightenment values, providing a theoretical foundation for Austrian and Central European fascist movements. Looking at the complex interplay between intellectuals, the public, and the state, he argues that seemingly apolitical Viennese intellectuals, especially conservative ones, dramatically affected the course of Austrian history. While Red Viennese intellectuals mounted an impressive challenge in cultural and intellectual forums throughout the city, radical conservatism carried the day. Black Viennese intellectuals hastened the destruction of the First Republic, facilitating the establishment of the Austrofascist state and paving the way forAnschlusswith Nazi Germany. Closely observing the works and actions of Viennese reformers, journalists, philosophers, and scientists, Wasserman traces intellectual, social, and political developments in the Austrian First Republic while highlighting intellectuals' participation in the growing worldwide conflict between socialism, conservatism, and fascism. Vienna was a microcosm of larger developments in Europe-the rise of the radical right and the struggle between competing ideological visions. By focusing on the evolution of Austrian conservatism, Wasserman complicates post-World War II narratives about Austrian anti-fascism and Austrian victimhood.

This article aims to investigate the path followed by Plínio Salgado in the formation and development of Brazilian Integralism. While drawing on many currents, it set out to build an original political doctrine. However, the ideas in circulation at the time influenced its leader considerably in the formation of his thought. From Portugal, he had the doctrinaire example of Lusitanian Integralism, a movement of an extreme right-wing nationalist character whose formation was clearly based onAction Française, the forerunner of conservatism which, like all the political groups of the early twentieth century, elaborated a practical response to the ideas proposed by Pope Leo XIII in 1891, through theRerum Novarum.This article is based on the concept of political culture and aims to analyse the thought of the Integralist leader, while focusing on the context of the Lusitanian influence and the essentially Catholic precept that accompanied him throughout his life.

The article explores the concept of empire, or rige, in the context of a small nation-state with no immediate claim to imperial greatness and with a rooted self-understanding as anything but an empire. It does this by exploring the concept of empire in the far right movement Young Denmark on the basis of a close reading of their imperialist program in the pamphlet Danmark udslettes! from 1918. Rige had been a vague term for the larger Danish polity that originated in a pre-national conceptualization of the polity as a realm. The article suggests that rige-as-realm was translated by the radical right into a concept of empire. In the process it dramatically changed its emphasis, reorienting itself toward a \"horizon of expectation\". It became a politically loaded battle concept that then entailed a critique against the dominant liberal conceptualization of the polity and nation. Rige came to signify the ambition of being a great power, the spiritual elevation of the nation through the transcendence of the decaying liberal modernity. The program addressed the tension between a conservative political attitude and modernity and thus signified a kind of reactionary modernism that rejected liberal values while at the same time celebrating technology, industrialization, and the process of modernization.

In the introduction to its 1927 manifesto, the Österreichische Aktion, the most important group of Austrian monarchists from the interwar era, demanded the creation of a new conservatism, steeped in traditional values yet sensitive to the present and future demands of modern Europe. “The future belongs to historically and sociologically consequential Conservatism, which knows what it wants and takes the present as it is, a Conservatism which … has the courage ‘to stand with the Right and think with the Left,’ that is, to be rooted in Tradition and yet to accommodate the demands and needs of the times, as